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THE SECRET DOCUMENTS 


OF THE 


SECOND EMPIRE. 







F~'CgK. kff ( C 0 >V» >v* / Sf l 'a C L A ✓* ^ >e ?■(•}* 4 t*?r\ / 

c/ass * r> 4. pub//€*" /* s pApters &<#'*$/ 

• 7 7 7 7W/#W 

THE 

SECRET DOCUMENTS 

a 

OF THE 

SECOND EMPIRE, 

FOUND IN THE 

TUILERIES AND MINISTRIES IN PARIS 

AFTER THE 

FLIGHT OF THE EMPRESS. 


TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH 


T. CURRY 


LONDON: 

W. TWEEDIE, 337, STRAND, W.C. 

1871. 

.$■ 




r > 

f a if 

« S 


Je ^IT 

'*L 

■Far 


the LIBRARY 

OF CONGRESS 

1 WASHINGTON 









ERRATU M. 


iragraph 50 in page 154, should have been placed on 

page 190. 





PREFACE. 


Aftek the flight of the Empress of the French from 
the Tuileries, and the formation of a Republic on 
September 4th of last year, the Emperor’s private 
papers and correspondence fell into the hands of the 
Government of the National Defence. A commission 
was immediately appointed to examine these documents. 
The members of the Commission were :— 

MM. de Keratry, Prefet de Police, President, 

„ Andre Lavertujon, Vice-President. 

„ Estancelin. 

,, Gagneur. 

„ Andre Cochut. 

„ Jules Claretie, Secretary. 

The Commission undertook the responsibility of 
publishing some of the documents which came into 
their possession, and, as might have been expected, the 
publication has produced a profound impression 
throughout France. Mr. T. Curry, whose connection 
with journalism is well known both in Paris and 



VI 


London, has undertaken the task of translating these 
papers into English. Throwing as they do a strong 
light upon the history of the period to which they refer, 
they will be read in Great Britain with an interest 
second only to that which has been manifested in 
France. They are published as issued in Paris, 
without note or comment, beyond the explanations 
which the Commission appended to the original publica¬ 
tion. 


t 


ORIGINAL PREFACE OF THE COMMISSION. 


In their preface the Commission state that “ the 
documents found at the Tuileries will possess an essen¬ 
tially official and impersonal character. The work has 
been undertaken exclusively in the interest of the truth. 
The Commission does not judge, it simply draws up an 
inventory; it does not occupy itself with polemics, it 
performs with impartiality a work of history. The 
documents found and copied under the superintendence 
of the director of the operation, and of the Secretary of 
the Commission, are examined by the President, and 
the work is submitted to the control of the Grovern- 
ment of National Defence. After the publication, the 
originals of the documents, carefully catalogued, will be 
deposited in the national archives.” 































































TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Preface *»• ••• ••• ••• #9 

Original Preface of the Commission 


• • • • • • 


Page 
... vi. 
... vii. 


L—DUCROT AND TROCHU ANTICIPATE WAR. 


Copy of a letter from General Ducrot to General Trochu—Extract of 
a letter from General Ducrot to General Trocliu—Letter from 
General Ducrot to General Froissard—Letter from General 
Ducrot to General Froissard on the preparations of Prussia in 


II.—PERSIGNY TO THE EMPEROR. 

Objects to reduction of army, and wishes to consult him on a delicate 
subject—He foresees the fall of the Empire—Extract of a letter 
from M. de Persigny. 10 

III.—FROM THE QUEEN OF HOLLAND TO M. D’AND RE. 

Warning ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 14 

IV. —THE EMPEROR TO M. CONTI. 

Re-annexation of Belgium . 16 

V. —THE EMPRESS FROM EGYPT. 

Letter from the Empress to the Emperor—Voyage in Egypt ... 18 

VI.—CASSAGNAC TO CONTI. 

The country people and the Plebiscite ... ... ... ... ... 20 

VII.—DESPATCHES OF TPIE LAST DAYS OF THE EMPIRE, 

The Empress to the Princess Mathilde, St. Gratien—To H.M. the 
Emperor, Camp of Chalons—Marshal MacMahon to the Minister 
of War—The Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon—The 
Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon, Camp of Chalons—The 
Minister of War to the Emperor at the Camp of Chalons—The 
Inspectors delegated by the Staff to Marshal MacMahon—The 
General Commanding at Verdun to the Emperor, at the Camp 
of Chalons; and to the Minister of War, Paris — Marshal 



X 


CONTENTS. 


Page 

Bazaine to the Emperor, Camp of Chalons—The Minister of 
War to the Emperor, at Rheims—The Emperor to the Minister 
of War—Marshal Bazaine to the Emperor—Marshal Bazaine to 
the Minister of War—Marshal MaeMahon to the Minister of 
War, Paris—Marshal MaeMahon to the General in command at 
Yerdun; to the chief in command at Montmedy; and to the 
Mayor of Longwyon—MaeMahon to Bazaine—The Minister of 
War to Marshal MaeMahon—The Minister of War to the 
Emperor—The Emperor to the Minister of War, Paris—Marshal 
MaeMahon to the Minister of War—Extracts from despatches 
dated September 4th—Replies—The last despatch sent from the 
Tuileries on the 4th of September—The Campaign of 1870— 

The Emperor’s Household—Service of the Grand Marshal ... 22 

VIII. —THE FRENCH EMBASSY AT ST. PETERSBURG—1870. 

Private Letters from M. de Verdiere, attache to General Fleury ... 41 

IX. —TODTLEBEN ON THE FORTIFICATIONS OF PARIS ; 

AND RUSSIAN OFFICERS IN FRANCE. 

The Fortifications of Paris judged by General Todtleben . 46 

X.—COUNCIL OF REGENCY AND APPOINTMENT OF 

SENATORS. 

Council of Regency Constituted in Prevision of the Emperor’s Death 

—Decrees Naming New Senators . 54 


XI.—ORGANISATION OF THE PRESS. 

Note on the Organisation of the Press in View of the Elections— 
Subventions—Choosing Editors—Correspondence—The Parisian 
Press—The Peuple —The Patrie —The Relations of the Press 
with the Government—Connection between the Tuileries and 
the Press—M. Gregory Ganesco—Expenditure for the Election 
of M. Terme. . . 


59 


XII.—TIIEOPHILE SILYESTRE. 

Letters to M. Pietri and the Emperor—Plan for a History of the 

Second Republic and the Second Empire. 78 

XIII.—THE CABINET NOIIi. 

Its Existence—Letter from M. Persigny—The Opening of Letters ; 

M. Hyrvoix; the Countess de Castiglione ; Madame Botti; M. A. 
de la Gue'ronni5re—Report to the Emperor on M. Collet-Meygret; 
Seyssel Asphalte ; M. Place; M. Pereire ; Lighting Paris by 
Gas ; Relations with MM. Mires, Prost, and Millaud ; the journal 
La Verite ; the Coal Mines of Graissessac.85 


CONTENTS. 


i) 

Xi 


Page 

XIV.—DUVERGIER’S REPORT ON OPENING OF LETTERS 

&c. 

General Accusations against M. Collet-Meygret—Supervision of 
Correspondence; M. Fould, Mme. Botti; Anonymous Letters; 

M. de la Gueronniere; Countess de Castiglione; H.M. the 
Emperor—Gas Company Shares—The journal La Verite —The 
Figaro and Mdlle. Berdalle—Brochure Dayet—Recriminations of 
M. Collet-Meygret . 97 

XV—ROUHER’S PERSONAL REPORT TO THE EMPEROR, 1867 

TO 1870. 

Memorandum on the choice of a Minister of the Interior—First Pre¬ 
sidents and Procurors-General—Prefects—Council of State— 
Legislative Body—Senate—Propositions of Promotion in the 
Legion of Honour .118 

XVI.—MEXICO.—THE JECKER BONDS. 

M. Jecker’s account of the Mexican Bonds—The Duke de Morny’s 
interest in them—Attempts to settle M. Jecker’s affairs—His 
financial difficulties—Opposition of his creditors—The Mexican 
Mixed Commission—Threat to divulge the whole secret—Letter 
from Maximilian to Napoleon—The appointment of M. Langlais 
to the Ministry of Finance—The situation is perplexing—Maxi¬ 
milian is uneasy ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 137 

XVII.—IMPERIAL PURSE. 

Receipts for accounts charged upon the Imperial Purse—Bon-bons 
for General de Failly—The cost of a christening—Vai’ious lists 
of payments—Secret Funds—Personal Estate of the Emperor 
abroad—Heavy debt contracted by Louis Bonaparte in 1848— 

Sums received by Madame de Montijo—Civil List . 144 

XVIII—BUDGET OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY—MURAT. 

Achille Murat’s difficulties with his creditors—The Emperor refuses 
to interfere—Sums allowed to the Murat family from 1852 to 
1066—Annual Subventions to the members of the Imperial 
Family—Sums paid to Lucien Murat, Joachim Murat, and the 
Duchess de ^douchy ... ... ... ... ... ... ... lob 

XIX.—FROM MADEMOISELLE BELL ANGER, MARIE CAPELLE, 

AND MISS HOWARD. 

Mdlie. Bellanger’s relations with the Emperor—Marie Capelle thauks 
the Prince-President—Miss Howard’s financial relations with 
the Emperor ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... lbl 


CONTENTS. 


Xll 


XX—ORLEANISM. 


Page 


The refusal of young Cavaignac to accept a prize from the Prince 

Imperial—M. Baroche, junior, and the late Duchess of Orleans... 167 


XXI.—COLONEL ESPINASSE ON PARDONS. 

Revision of the judgments of the Mixed Commissions—Effects of the 
liberations on the anarchists ; on the country—Numbers of the 
insurgents in different districts—Bad impressions of individual 
pardons—State of public spirit.170 

XXII.—PIERRE BONAPARTE AND NAPOLEON. 

Pierre Bonaparte wishes to legitimise his children—His difficulties as 
a member of the Imperial Family—Desires to sell his estate in 
Corsica—Napoleon refuses to consent to his marriage—A 
rejoinder—The trial at Tours. 175 


XXIII.—THE EMPEROR’S NOVEL. 

Plot of a Novel by the Emperor.181 

XXIV.—THE SANDON AFFAIR. 

Persigny wishes to stifle the affair—M. Sandon arrested seventeen 

times ; confined in a lunatic asylum for twenty months. 183 

XXV.— 2nd DECEMBER, 1851. 

Prudence of MM. Rouher and Fould—Proscriptions of December, 

1851—Total number arrested, brought to trial, and punished in 
December, 1851... .185 

XXVI—LOUIS NAPOLEON, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 

Election of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte as President of the Republic 189 

XXVII—PRUSSIAN AFFAIRS. 

Report of Lieutenant-Colonel de Stoffel—M. de Bismark proposes 
an Interview between King William and Napoleon—Prussian 
opinion and practices.192 


THE SECRET DOCUMENTS 

OF THE 

SECOND EMPIRE. 


i. 

DUCEOT AND TEOCHU ANTICIPATE WAR. 

Copy of a letter from General Ducrot to General Trochu—Extract of 
a letter from General Ducrot to General Trochu—Letter from 
General Ducrot to General Froissard—Letter from General 
Ducrot to General Froissard on the preparations of Prussia 
in 1869. 

( 2 .) 

Copy of a letter from General Ducrot to General Trochu. 


This copy was found in the cabinet of the Emperor, who, 
no doubt, had never had the original in his hands. The 
copy was made, according to all probability, by the employes 
of the Cabinet Noir (secret council, a sort of Star-Chamber). 
The note found at the head, and which indicates— 1 st, that 
the letter is not dated; 2 nd, that it arrived in Paris on 
Friday morning, the 7th of December, 18 G 6 , leaves little 
doubt as to this. It will be found from the document 
following (letter from M. de Persigny to the Emperor) that 


B 




2 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

the existence of the Cabinet Noir was fully recognised in 
high quarters. 


Extract of a letter from General Ducrot to General Trochu. 

[This letter is not dated, it bears the Strasbourg post-mark, 
and reached Paris on Friday morning, the 7th December, 
1866. It is written in the second person singular, showing 
the close ties of friendship existing between the two 
veterans.] 

<c Since you are endeavouring to make the real truth 
heard and understood amongst the illustrious personages 
who surround the Emperor, add the following to your 
suggestions:—Whilst we are long and pompously delibe¬ 
rating on the measures necessary to constitute an army, 
Prussia is quietly meditating a formidable invasion of our 
territory. She will be prepared to put into line 600,000 
men, and 1200 pieces of artillery, whilst we have not yet 
dreamt of organising the battalions indispensable to place 
300,000 men, and 600 pieces before the enemy. At the 
other side of the Rhine there is not a single German who 
does not believe that war will be declared ere long. The 
most pacific, who, by their family relations, or by their 
interests, are more French in their sympathies, consider the 
struggle as inevitable, and are totally at a loss to account 
tor our inaction. As it is necessary to seek a cause for 
everything, they assert that our Emperor has fallen into his 
second infancy. To those who are not blind it is perfectly 
evident that war will break out on an early day. With our 
stupid vanity, our foolish presumption, we fancy that we 
shall be permitted to choose the day and the hour, i.e ., after 



GENERAL DUCROT TO GENERAL FROISSARI). 3 

the Universal Exhibition, for the achievement of our 
organisation and our armament. Truly, I am of your 
opinion, and I begin to think that our Government is 
demented, but if Jupiter is determined to destroy it, let us 
not forget the destinies of our country, and that the fate 
of all is bound to these destinies; and since we are not yet 
smitten by this fatal insanity, let us make every effort to 
arrest this fearful decline, which is conducting us straight to 
precipices. Here is an additional detail to which I call 
your attention, because it is of a nature to open the eyes of 
the most blind. 

“ For some time past numerous Prussian agents have 
been overrunning our frontier departments, particularly 
the country comprised between the Moselle and the 
Vosges ; they sound the opinion aud feelings of the in¬ 
habitants, work upon the Protestants, who are numerous in 
this quarter, and are much less French than is generally 
thought. They are, indeed, the sons and grandsons of 
those same men who, in 1815, sent numerous deputations to 
the headquarters of the enemy to demand that Alsace should 
be re-annexed to Germany. This is a fact worthy of notice, 
for it may be reasonably considered as having for object to 
make known the plans and the campaign of the enemy. 
The Prussians adopted the same tactics in Bohemia and 
Silesia three months before the commencement of hostilities^ 
against Austria.” 

(58.) 

Letter from General Ducrot to General Froissard. 

[This letter by General Ducrot was found among the 

papers of General Froissard. It tells blankly, cruelly, and 

b 2 



4 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

forcibly to the governor of the Prince Imperial the whole 
truth. The counsellors of Napoleon could not, say that 
they were not well-informed.] 

“ Strasbourg, 28 Oct., 1868. 

“ My dear General,—I send you a resume of my long 

and interesting conversations with M. de D-. I 

endeavour to render scrupulously his thoughts and appre¬ 
ciations without commentaries or amplifications. You say 
in your last letter that you have reason to think that 

M. de D-has allowed himself to be led away by his 

hatred of Prussia. . . No, no, do not believe that. M. de 

D-is a man of the age of seventy years ; he has too 

sure a judgment, and too great an experience of men and 
thiugs to allow himself to be blinded by passion ; but he has 
ears to hear and eyes to see, and sufficient good sense to 
draw just conclusions from what he sees and hears. Besides, 
he has sufficient strength of character to prevent his being 
blinded by fear, that detestable counsellor who has com¬ 
mitted and will still commit so many follies. All that I see 
and hear myself corroborates too strongly the opinions of 

M. de D-for me to have any doubts as to the exactitude 

of his information, and the justness of his views. 

“ I saw, a few minutes ago, the Countess de Pourtales, 
who has just arrived from Berlin. Up to the present time 
I had always been irritated by her optimism. Prussian by 
marriage, she greatly admired all acts of M. de Bismark, of 
King William, and all Prussians; she pretended that 
nothing could cause a war between France and Prussia; 
that we were made to love and understand one another. 
In fact, her language was a poetical variation of the 
speeches of lloulier, and the circulars of La Yalette. Now. 



GENERAL DUCROT TO GENERAL FROISSARD. 


5 


that adorable Countess declares to me that she returns from 
Berlin with death in her soul; that war is inevitable, and 
caunot fail to break out on the first opportunity ; that the 
Prussians are so well prepared and so skilfully commanded 
that they are assured of success. 

“ ‘ What ! ’ I said, ‘ you blow the trumpet of Bellona, 
just at the time when all around nothing is spoken of but 
the pacific intentions of good neighbours, the wholesome 
terror with which we inspire them, of Bismark’s desire to 
avoid all pretext for a conflict, when we are sending all our 
soldiers to their homes, and are taking into consideration 
the reduction of the list of officers to such an extent that I 
am making preparations to retire very shortly to my country 
seat in Nivernais.’ 

“ ‘ Oh, General ! ’ she cried, ‘that is what makes it so 
dreadful. Those people deceive us shamefully, and count 
upon taking us by surprise when we are unarmed. . . 

Yes, the watchword is given ; in public they speak of peace, 
of the desire to keep on friendly terms w T ith us; but when 
one chats familiarly with those people who surround the 
King, they put on a bantering air, and say, “ Do you 
believe all that? Do you not see that events are marching 
at a rapid rate, and that nothing can now avert the 
denouement ? ” They scoff at our Government, our army, 
our Garde Mobile, our Ministers, the Emperor and thd^ 
Empress, pretending that before long France will become a 
second Spain. In fine—would you believe it ?—the Minister 
of the King’s Household, M. de Schleinitz, dared to tell me 
that in less than eighteen months our Alsace would belong 
to Prussia. And if you knew the enormous preparations 
that are being made on all sides, with what ardour they 


6 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

work in transforming the armies of the States recently 
annexed, what confidence there is in all ranks of society and 
in the army! . . . Oh ! in truth, general, I return 
heartbroken, full of sorrow and fear. Yes, I am certain 
now that nothing—no, nothing—can prevent a war, and 
such a war 1 ’ 

“Mme. de Pourtales will probably be at Compiegne in a 
few days, and consequently you may have the pleasure of 
hearing her complaints and frightful tales. 

“As a sequel to the insinuation of M. de Schleinitz rela¬ 
tive to Alsace, I shall quote a few words of General de 
Moltke on the same subject. This great general was 
chatting with a Badener, who occupies a high position in 
his country. This person assured him that the population 
of the Grand Duchy was for the most part not very favour¬ 
ably disposed towards Prussia, and very much opposed to 
the projects for annexation. ‘ Truly,’ said M. de Moltke, 

‘ it is incomprehensible, for those people ought to know that 
their future is in our hands; that shortly we shall be able 
to do them a great deal of good, or a great deal of harm. 
As soon as we are in a position to dispose of Alsace, and 
that will not be long first, we will be able, by uniting it to 
the Grand Duchy of Baden, to form a splendid province, 
comprised between the Vosges and the Black Forest, 
traversed throughout its whole length by a magnificent 
river, and, surely, no country in the world w r ould find itself 
in similar conditions of wealth and prosperity.’ . . . 

“ And you expect that, in presence of such swagger and 
such insolent pretensions, too loudly asserted, I should re¬ 
main calm and patient! Truly, one eould not have a drop 
of old Gallic blood in one’s veins! 1 confess, then, that I live 


GENERAL DUCROT TO GENERAL FROISSARD. 


7 


in a state of perpetual exasperation ; I experience the 
passion that a person must feel when, on attempting to 
rescue a drowning man, he meets with voluntary resistance, 
and finds himself sinking along with him he wished to 
save. ... 

“ On seeing you get out of temper on reading these 
Hines, I should be tempted to cry with Themistocles, ‘ Strike, 
but listen!' 

“ Believe, my dear general, in the assurance of my most 
affectionate and devoted sentiments. 

“ General A. Ducrot. 

“ P. S.—One word, in conclusion, which plainly depicts 
the situation; it is by a diplomatist in favour at Court, and 
certainly in a position to be very well informed. ‘In truth/ 

lately wrote the Prince de M-, ‘ one would think that 

we were walking with cotton legs on eggs, as though we 
were afraid of breaking them/ ” 


(59) 

Letter from General Ducrot to General Froissard on the pre¬ 
parations of Prussia in 1869. 

“ Strasbourg, 31 January, 1869. 
“My dear General,—I have just seen Commandant 
Schenck, who brought me news of you, and told me that 
you had conversed on certain events which are now taking 
place at Mayence and Rastadt, and which are very signifi¬ 
cant. 

“ The same information has reached me at Strasbourg by 
rumours which circulate in the town, and the origin of 
which it is impossible to trace. The Prussians, it is said, 




8 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

are cutting down the trees on the glacis of Mayence and 
Rastadt : in the Grand Duchy of Baden they are putting 
into requisition all surgeons and veterinary surgeons who 
are able to march, and are distributing them, as auxiliaries, 
between the different corps. There being no possibility of 
sending officers abroad, I was obliged to seek indirect means 
of ascertaining the truth as to these rumours, and I applied 
to a M. de Gaston, late sub-officer in the French army, 
settled at Landau for some years, and who, having fre¬ 
quently occasion to go to Mayence and into the Grand 
Duchy of Baden, readily undertook to gather, de visu, all 
the necessary information. 

“ As to the surgeons and veterinary surgeons, M. de 
Gaston has cited facts which appear conclusive. A fort¬ 
night ago, his veterinary surgeon, who resides at Mannheim, 
received a commission of veterinary surgeon of the first- 
class, for a body of troops (M. Gaston does not remember 
what), with orders to hold himself in readiness to join it on 
the shortest notice. 

“ It is greatly to be regretted that we have no means of 
watching over what is going on, and what is being prepared 
amongst our too active neighbours. Is it not indispensable 
that we should immediately organise a system of military 
espionage, which would place at our disposition a certain 
number of agents, whose duty it would be to keep us an 
courant as regards the slightest incidents, and who, on the 
breaking out of war, could render us incalculable service ? 
It is not at the moment that relations are interrupted that 
this service should be organised ; it requires time and a 
great deal of address to organise it properly. I leave these 
reflections for your consideration. 


GENERAL DUCROT TO GENERAL FROISSARD. 


9 


“I thank you for having communicated to me the kind 
words of the Emperor in my behalf; that gives me great 
pleasure. I have written to General Castelnau in the sense 
which you indicated to me ; but I know how to believe in 
his benevolent intentions towards me. 

“Believe, my dear General, in the assurance of my 
most devoted sentiments, 

“ General A. Ducrot, 

“ Schenck left this morning for Rastadt ; he will be at 
Darmstadt to-morrow, at Mayence on Wednesday, and will 
return here on Thursday night.” 


10 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


II. 

PERSIGNY TO THE EMPEROR. 

Objects to reduction of army, and wishes to consult him on a delicate 
subject—He foresees the fall of the Empire—Extract of a letter 
from M. de Persigny. 

“ Sire,—Permit me to address directly to your Majesty a 
copy of a work which has just been published by my fellow- 
countrymen at Forez, and which forms a collection of the 
principal things I have done, said, or written. I take the 
liberty of making four marks on the book. If you will take 
the trouble of reading three addresses I made in my own 
department, you will be able to see in what degree my 
influence is exercised in my own neighbourhood. I point 
out, besides, a succinct expose of my system of the Pyramids, 
which resumes, I think, the whole question very clearly. I 
have not superintended the publication of this work. It 
has been prepared without my knowledge, and it was only 
at the last moment that it was communicated to me. 
Monsieur Bavoux, Councillor of State (a man of pronounced 
Napoleonic sentiments), had frequently requested me to 
have it published, but never succeeded in overcoming my 
indifference. Now, however, I am not sorry that it has 
been done. 

“ Sire,—In consequence of the question of titles, I have 
not thought it proper to communicate to you my impression 
of the proposed reduction of the army ; but I do not think 
that your Majesty, for a considerable time back, has been 


A DELICATE SUBJECT. 


11 


advised to commit a graver error. When it is proposed to 
reduce tlie army and to arrest the general progress of the 
whole country, great considerations of European politics are 
invoked. If the army feels wounded in its interests, it is, 
at least, compelled to incline before important reasons. 
Public interest and its own patriotism impose resignation. 
But to allege only common reasons of economy—the saving 
of twelve or thirteen millions in a budget of nearly two 
milliards—to wound the susceptibilities of the army to such 
an extent is, in truth, to pay dearly for a cheese-paring 
economy. Then to announce to the world that the country 
is so overwhelmed in debt that it cannot pay its army—I 
regret it sincerely; it appears to me an excess of political 
and financial imprudence. Decidedly, those two statesmen 
—Fould and Rouher—by their complete absence of political 
and financial knowledge, appear to be conspiring to ensure 
your downfall. 

“ I should have wished, also, to have spoken on a 
delicate subject. I am in possession of some revelations 
concerning the service of what is called the Cabinet iVoir, 
furnished me by the principal secretary. This individual is 
absolutely in want of employment; the observations he has 
made to me must not, therefore, be revealed to his superiors; 
they are especially interesting to your Majesty. If you 
should return to Paris, I would ask to be accorded an 
audience—but not at Compiegne—such a proceeding would 
excite too much jealousy and uproar amongst the members 
of the Government. 

“ I am, with respect, your Majesty’s very humble and 
very devoted servant and subject, 

[No date.] 


“ Persigny.” 


12 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

( 4 .) 

Extract of a Letter from M. de Persigny. 

[He foresees the fall of the Empire.] 

“ Chamarande, 15th Dec., 1867. 

“ Sire,—I beg your Majesty to read the following letter 
with attention :— 

(Here follow four pages in octavo on a j)rojet de loi con¬ 
cerning the press; then the following appreciation of the 
general situation of the Empire at the end of 18G7.) 

“ And now, Sire, that I have exhausted this subject, I 
will not return to it, for, I avow, I possess no longer the 
liberty of thought necessary to broach subjects of compara¬ 
tively secondary importance in presence of the important 
questions which are now being agitated; when the Empire 
appears to be crumbling in all parts ; when this struggle, at 
once desperate and implacable, waged against you by those 
who, under the pretext of establishing the Parliamentary 
regime , have sworn your downfall, is carried on from one 
success to another; when, in fact, each oratorical victory of 
your Ministers is a defeat for your Majesty. I have 
followed the late debates ; I have witnessed on one side the 
most atrocious hatred, and something still more than hatred, 
attacking you, and you alone ; the tone, the gesture, every¬ 
thing betrayed to the eyes of all an implacable determina¬ 
tion ; and on the other, your Government, forced, perhaps, 
to adopt this attitude by the situation of things, inclining 
before your enemies, humbly asking of desperate adver¬ 
saries to withdraw their interpellations, abandoning in a 
moment the policy followed during fourteen years between 
the extreme Right and the extreme Left; making of an 


M. DE PERSIGNY. 


I O 

O 

energetic act, of a victory of your Majesty, the occasion of a 
triumph for your enemies. And now, between what is no 
longer the Empire, and that which is not yet the Parlia¬ 
mentary regime, can one be astonished at the public dissatis¬ 
faction and anxiety of miud ? As for myself, I repeat it, I 
have not the courage to follow abstract studies in the midst 
of such moral anarchy. If your Majesty does not perceive 
these evils, where is the good of imagining plans of improve¬ 
ment for a house already on fire; and if you do see them, 
why isolate yourself from your most devoted servants ; why 
not take someone into your confidence, in order to find the 
means of changing such a state of things ? 

“ I am, with respect, Sire, your Majesty’s very humble 
and very devoted servant and faithful subject, 


“ Persigny.” 



14 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


III. 

FROM THE QUEEN OF HOLLAND TO 
MONSIEUR D’ANDRE. 

WARNING. 

[Napoleon had long been warned of the danger which 
would result to France from a united Germany, orgauised 
militarily in the hands of Prussia. The letter which 
follows, addressed by the Queen of Holland to Monsieur 
d’Andre, during the war of 1866, was found amongst M. 
Conti’s papers. The note at the head is in the handwriting 
of Napoleon.] 


Copy of a letter from the Queen of Holland to Monsieur 

d’Andre. 

“July 18, 1866. 

“You appear to entertain strange illusions! Your prestige 
has diminished more sensibly during the last 15 days than 
during the whole reign. You allow the weak to be destroyed, 
you leave to aggrandise without limit the insolence and the 
brutality of your closest neighbour ; you accept a gift, and 
you do not think it worth while to address a word of 
recognition to the one who offers it. I regret that you 
should have thought me interested in the matter, and that 
you did not perceive the immense danger of a powerful 
Germany and a powerful Italy. It is the dynasty which is 
menaced, and it is that which will sustain the consequences. 



QUEEN OF HOLLAND TO MONSIEUR D’ANDRE. 


15 


I say it, for such is the truth, which you will perceive only 
too late. Do not think that the misfortune that overwhelms 
me in my country’s disaster renders me unjust or suspicious. 
Yenetia ceded, Austria should have been aided; you ought 
to have marched on the Rhine, and have imposed your con¬ 
ditions. To allow Austria to be ruined was more than a 
crime, it was a mistake. Probably this will be my last 
letter. Nevertheless, I should consider myself unworthy of 
an old and serious friendship, did I not, for the last time, 
tell you the whole truth. T do not anticipate that it will be 
attended to ; but I am determined to be able to say, one 
day or another, that I have done everything in my power 
to forewarn you of the ruin of that which has hitherto 
inspired me with so much faith, so much affection.” 

[This letter was, as will be seen, written during the war 
in Bohemia, and on the morrow of the cession of Venetia 
to France.] 



16 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


IV. 

THE EMPEROR TO M. CONTI. 

RE-ANNEXATION OF BELGIUM. 

[Note dictated by the Emperor to M. Conti.~\ 

[It expresses the projected annexation of Belgium. This 
letter, which is in the handwriting of the chief of the 
Emperor’s Cabinet, was found amongst the letters and other 
documents dictated to M. Conti by the Emperor. No date.] 
“ If France places itself boldly on the principle of 
nationalities, it is important, from the present time, that a 
Belgian nationality should not exist, and to arrange this 
essential point with Prussia. The Cabinet of Berlin 
appearing, on the other hand, disposed to enter, with 
France, into arrangements which it would be convenient for 
France to make with it, a secret treaty might be 
negotiated engaging the two contracting parties. Without 
assuming that such a treaty would be a perfectly sure 
guarantee, it would have the double advantage of compro¬ 
mising Prussia, and would be at the same time a gage of the 
sincerity of the Emperor’s politics and pretensions. It is 
necessary not to conceal—when the characters of the Kin^ 
of Prussia and his First Minister are so well known—that 
the latest diplomatic incidents, as well as the actual 
dispositions of the public sentiment in France, should have 
confirmed them in the conviction that we have not renounced 
the revindication of the Rhine frontier. In order to be 


THE EMPEROR TO M. CONTI, 


certain of finding at Berlin the confidence necessary to the 
maintenance of intimate relations, we ought to employ 
every means to dissipate the apprehensions which have 
always existed with respect to this eventuality—apprehen¬ 
sions which have been awakened, and even inflamed, by our 
latest communications. This result cannot be attained by 
simple words. An act is necessary; and this act, which 
will decide the fate of Belgium, in concert with Prussia, by 
proving at Berlin that the Emperor decidedly seeks, other¬ 
wise than on the Rhine, the extension of territory necessary 
to France since the events of which Germany has been the 
theatre, would at least be equal to a relative certitude that 
the Prussian Government would place no obstacle in the 
way of our aggrandisement in the North.” 


\ 


c 



18 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


v. 

THE EMPRESS FROM EGYPT. 

LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS TO THE EMPEROR. 

Voyage in Egypt. 

“ On the Nile, on board the Imperatrice , 

“ Oct. 27, 1869. 

“ My very dear Louis,—I write you en route on [illegible] 
the Nile. To say that the weather is fresh, would not 
be the absolute truth; but the heat is supportable in 
consequence of the air, but in the sun it is very different. 
Besides, I have informed you of the state of the weather by 
telegraph. I receive news every day by telegraph of yourself 
and Louis ; it is marvellous, and very consoling to me; for 
thus I am always kept on the friendly side by the wire 
which connects me with everything dearest to my affections. 
I am quite charmed with my voyage, and I would greatly 
wish to give you a description of it, but other more charming 
and capable writers than myself have undertaken this task, 
so that I shall remain silent on the subject. I was much 
annoyed at yesterday’s occurrences, especially as I was not 
with you in Paris; but everything passed off well, according 
to your despatch. When one sees other peoples, one judges 
and appreciates the injustice of our own much better. I 
think, any other consideration notwithstanding, that you ought 
not to be discouraged, but that you should continue in the 
path marked out by yourself; good faith in the concessions 
already made, as in fact is thought and said [sec], is a good 
thing; I hope, therefore, that your speech will be conceived 


THE EMPRESS TO THE EMPEROR. 


19 


in this sense ; the more will force be found necessary at a 
later period, the more it is urgent to prove to the country 
that one has [sec] ideas, and not expedients. I am very 
far away, and too ignoraut of events as they are passing to 
express myself thus ; but I am quite convinced that ideas 
followed up become a real force. I do not like acoups [,sz’c], 
coups d’etat , and I am persuaded that coups d’etat are not 
made twice in the same reign. I speak without reasoning, 
for I am preaching to a convert much better instructed in 
such thiugs than myself. But it is necessary to say some¬ 
thing, were it only to prove what you already know—that 
my heart is with you both; and if, in tranquil times, my 
wandering imaginations love to wander, I love to be near 
you in times of anxiety and disquietude. 

“ Far from men and events, one feels a calm which does 
one good. By an effort of imagination I fancy that every¬ 
thing is going marvellously well. Amuse yourself: distrac¬ 
tion is absolutely necessary—it is as indispensable to recover 
moral force as it is to re-establish a weakened constitution ; 
and the same fixed idea may result in the destruction of the 
best organised intellect. I have already experienced this ; 
and all those events which, during my life, have tarnished 
the bright colours of my illusions I wish to forget. My life 
is ended, but I cherish the hope of my son’s future, and I 
think that those are real joys which come from his heart to 
my own. In the meantime, I am profiting by my voyage, 
basking in the sun, in an almost savage country, cultivated 
on the banks for a space of fifty yards, and, behind, the 
desert with its downs, all blazing under an ardent sun. 
Good-bye; and believe in the sincerity of your ever-devoted 

“ Eugenie.” 
c 2 


20 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE-, 


VI. 

CASSAGNAC TO CONTI.—APKIL, 1870, 

[The following letter was written by M. Granier de 
Cassagnac to M. Conti at the period of the last plebiscite.] 

“ Chateau du Couloume par Plaisance, Gers, 

2oth April, 1870. 

“ Dear Sir,-—I shall not be able to be in Paris on the 
30th of this month for the second payment to be made to 
Gibiat, because I wish to preside, on the 8th of May, at the 
voting of my canton. I therefore beg of you to permit my 
son to supply my place. I have written to desire him to 
call upon you on the 30th. 

“ The country which I have passed through is very peace¬ 
able : they are preparing to vote for the Emperor . Of a Senatus - 
Consultum , a Parliamentary regime , or a Liberal Cabinet , 
there is no question. There is, in this part of the country, 
nothing to be done but to distribute the voting-papers. The 
rural population recognises only the Emperor, wishes only 
for him, and will vote only for him, and will vote anything 
the Emperor proposes. 

“ I visited the chief town of the arrondissement and some 
of the cantons : the inhabitants are much displeased with 
the inconsistencies of the Ministerial doctrine. M. Ollivier 
has lost the greater part of his authority by resenting the 
intervention of the Government in the affairs of the popula 
tlons and now practising it with great energy. 


CASSAGNAC TO CONTI- 


21 


u The people in this part of the country do not believe 
in any other regime than that which is strictly conservative. 
As to LiberaMsm, they confound it with agitation , and will 
none of it. 

“ To resume, the vote in this part of the country will be 
excellent, because the name of the Emperor is popular and 
venerated. But, nevertheless, it must be said that his con¬ 
descendence to the agitators was universally regretted. 

“ Such is, my dear sir, the disposition which I notice 
around me. I have nothing to do with it : it is spontaneous 
and sincere. 

Yours truly, 

“ A. Graniee de Cassagnac.*’ 




22 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


VII. 

DESPATCHES OF THE LAST DAYS OF 

THE EMPIRE. 

The Empress to the Princess Mathilde, St. Gratien—To H.M. 
the Emperor, Camp of Chalons — Marshal MacMahon to the 
Minister of War—The Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon 
—The Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon, Camp of 
Chalons—The Minister of War to the Emperor at the Camp of 
Chalons — The Inspectors delegated by the Staff to Marshal 
MacMahon—The General Commanding at Verdun to the 
Emperor, at the Camp of Chalons ; and to the Minister of War, 
Paris—Marshal Bazaine to the Emperor, Camp of Chalons—The 
Minister of War to the Emperor, at Eheims—The Emperor to 
the Minister of War—Marshal Bazaine to the Emperor—Marshal 
Bazaine to the Minister of War—Marshal MacMahon to the 
Minister of War, Paris—Marshal MacMahon to the General in 
command at Verdun; to the chief in command at Montmedy ; 
and to the Mayor of Longwyon—MacMahon to Bazaine—The 
Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon—The Minister of War 
to the Emperor—The Emperor to the Minister of War, Paris— 
Marshal MacMahon to the Minister of War—Extracts from de¬ 
spatches dated September 4th—Replies—The last despatch sent 
from the Tuileries on the 4th of September—The Campaign of 
1870—The Emperor’s Household—Service of the Grand Marshal. 

( 12 .) 

Despatches of the last days of the Empire. 

[The despatches of Marshal Bazaine prove that at the 
time M. de Palikao made reassuring communications to the 
Legislative Body concerning the progress of the war, he was 
receiving the most discouraging news. These despatches 
show, besides, that, notwithstanding the statements of the 
Minister of War to the contrary, the Emperor continued in 


MARSHAL MACMAHON TO MINISTER OF WAR. 


23 


chief command. They reveal, in fact, a widely-disseminated 
system of barefaced lying.] 


The Empress to the Princess Mathilde , St. Gratien. 

“ August 7, 12.35. 

‘ k I have received bad news from the Emperor. The 
army is retreating. I go at once to Paris, where I have 
convoked a Council of Ministers. 

“ Eugenie.” 


To H.M. the Emperor , Camp of Chalons. 

“ Camp of Fort-Plappeville, Aug. 18, 

“ 8.20 evening. 

“ I am not aware whether Verdun is amply provisioned. 
1 should think it necessary only to leave what is required 
for the purposes of the town. I have returned from the 
plateau. The attack has been very severe. At this moment 
the fire has ceased. Our troops maintain their positions. 
One regiment, the 60th, suffered greatly whilst defending 
the farm of Saint-Hubert. 

“ Marshal Bazaine.” 


Marshal MacMalion to the Minister of War. 

“ Camp of Chalons, Aug. 20, 8.45. 

“ The information which has reached me appears to in¬ 
dicate that the three armies of the enemy are placed in such 
a position as to be able to prevent Bazaine from taking the 
roads to Briey, Verdun, and Saint-Mihiel. Not knowing 
the direction in which Bazaine is operating his retreat, 
although I am ready to march to-morrow, I think it best to 





24 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE, 

remain in camp until I am informed of the exact road he has 
taken—whether towards the north or the south. 

u Marshal de MacMahon .’ 3 


The Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon. 

Ci From Paris to the Camp of Chalons, 

“ Aug. 20, 3.40 p.m. 

“ I have received your despatch dated 8.45 ; the only 
advice I can give you is the following :—On the 18th inst., 
in the evening, Bazaine’s line of position was between 
Amanvilliers and Sussy. n 

The Minister of War to Marshal MacMahon , Camp of 

Chalons. 

“ From Paris to the Imperial Headquarters, 
u Aug. 21, 10.15 evening. 

u Monsieur de Bouville telegraphs, as follows, from 
Vienna, under date of the 20th :—‘ Information from a 
sure source received from the headquarters of the Prince 
Royal of Prussia, states that cholera and typhus are carry¬ 
ing off numerous victims. It will be impossible to give 
sufficient care to the sick and the wounded. It is impos¬ 
sible to imagine the serious results should the war be pro¬ 
longed.’ ” 


The Minister of War to the Emperor at the Camp of 

Chalons . 

[At the time that M. de Palikao announced from the 
tribune that the Emperor no longer held the command- in- 
chief, the Minister of War sent the following despatch] :_- 





COMMANDANT AT VERDUN TO THE EMPEROR. 25 


“ Headquarters, Paris, Aug. 21, 

“ 10 o’clock. 

“ There are two courses to take ; either to march in all 
haste on Montmedy to relieve Bazaine, whose position is ex¬ 
tremely critical, or to march against the Prince Eoyal of 
Prussia, whose army is very numerous, and who intends to 
march on Paris, where he is to be proclaimed Emperor of 
Germany. In the latter case, I could send you the 13th 
corps d’armee, 27,000 strong, under the command of 
General Vinoy, to occupy La Forte-sous-Jouarre, where it 
would act as a turning pivot to the army of MacMahon, who 
would at once march vigorously on the flank of the Prussian 
army—either by taking the road to Vitry, Champaubert, 
and Montmirail, or by marching towards Wassy, Mon- 
tierender, and Brienne.” 

The Inspectors delegated by the Staff to Marshal MacMahon. 

“Longwy, Aug. 22, 4.50. 

“ The inspectors apprise you that Marshal Bazaine has 
addressed the following despatch to your Excellency :— 
4 1 have been compelled to take up a position near Metz, in 
order to give my soldiers some rest, and to receive provisions 
and ammunition. The numbers of the enemy are constantly 
increasing around me, and, in order to join you, I shall 
probably follow the line of the north. I will inform you if 
the march can be effected without compromising the army.’ ” 

The General Commanding at Verdun to the Emperor , at the 
Camp at Chalons ; and to the Minister of War , Paris. 

“ At length we have news of Marshal Bazaine, by wood- 
rangers, who bring the following despatch : 




26 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ ‘ Ban Saint-Martin, Aug. 19. 

“ ‘ Marshal Bazaine to the Emperor , Camp of Chalons. 

“ i The army was engaged during the whole of Tuesday 
on the positions of Saint-Privat and Rozereuillers, which it 
still occupies. The 4th and 6th Corps only towards nine 
o’clock in the evening effected a change of front—in order 
to parry a turning movement by the right, which the masses 
of the enemy attempted to effect by the aid of the reigning 
obscurity. This morning I recalled from their positions the 
2nd and 3rd Corps, and the army is again placed on the left 
bank of the Moselle—from Longueville to Sansonnet— 
forming a curved line, passing by the heights of Ban Saint* 
Martin, behind the forts of Saint-Quentin and Plappeville. 
The troops are fatigued with these incessant combats, and 
two or three days’ repose are indispensable to them. The 
King of Prussia, with M. de Moltke, was this morning at 
Rezonville, and everything appears to indicate that the 
Prussian army is about to attack Metz. I intend, as before, 
to take the direction of the north, and to fight in retreat by 
Montmedy, on the road to Sainte-Menehould and Chalons, 
if the latter place is not too strongly occupied. In the 
latter case, I shall continue my march on Sedan and even 
Mezieres, in order to reach Chalons. There are 700 
prisoners in Metz, which will become an embarrassment if 
the place is besieged. I am about to propose an exchange 
to General de Moltke for a similar number of French 
officers and soldiers.’ 


(“ To be given to MacMahon.”) 



THE EMPEROR TO THE MINISTER OF WAR. 


27 


The Minister of War to the Emperor , at Rheims. 

“ Paris, Aug. 22, 1.5 p.m. 

“ The unanimous sentiment of the Council, after the 
latest news from Marshal Bazaine, is more energetically 
pronounced than ever. The resolutions adopted last night 
will be abandoned. Neither a decree, nor a letter, nor a 
proclamation will be published.(l) An aide-de-camp of the 
Minister of War is about to leave for Rheims, with all the 
necessary instructions. Should Bazaine not be relieved, 
the most deplorable consequences would result for Paris. 
In presence of such a disaster it might be feared that the 
capital would not be able to defend itself. Your despatch 
to the Empress convinces us that this opinion is shared by 
all. Paris will be, however, in a condition to defend itself 
against the army of the Prince Royal of Prussia. The 
works of defence are being pushed forward rapidly ; a new 
army is in course of formation at Paris. We await a reply 
by telegraph.” 


The Emperor to the Minister of War. 

“ Courcelles, Aug. 22, 4 o’clock. 

“ Received your despatch. We leave to-morrow for 
Montmedy. In order to deceive the enemy, order to be 
inserted in the journals that we are leaving with 150,000 

(1.) What decree is spoken of? What would the proclamation 
alluded to announce to the French people ? It will be seen further 
on that Monsieur Rouher went to the head-quarters at Rheims for 
these decrees, which were never published. 

These decrees, together with the proclamation alluded to above, 
were found to-day, the 22nd of September, in the cabinet of Monsieur 
Rouher, at the Luxembourg. 




28 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

men for Saint Dizier. I accept WimpfFen in the place of 
BeFailly. Maissiat cannot continue in command. Appoint 
Lacretelle in his place. Suppress the decrees which Rouher 
has brought you, but listen to the conclusions concerning 
the old soldiers.” 


Marshal Bazaine to the Emperor. 

“ Ban Saint-Martin, Aug. 20. 

“My troops continue to occupy the same positions. The 
enemy would appear to be establishing batteries intended 
to aid in the investment of the place, and is constantly 
receiving reinforcements. General Marguerite was killed 
on the 16th. It was thought that he had disappeared. 
We have upwards of 16,000 wounded in the town of 
Metz. 

“ The Commandant of Thionville.” 


Marshal Bazaine to the Minister of War. 

[This despatch does not bear the date of its transmission 
from Mezieres.] 

“ We are under Metz, taking in supplies of provisions 
and ammunition. I am about to write to the Emperor, 
who will communicate my despatch to you. I have 
received the despatch from MacMahon, to whom I have 
intimated what I think I shall be able to do in a few 
days.” 


Marshal MacMahon to the Minister of War , Paris. 

“ Courcelles, Aug. 22, 11.30. 

£ ‘ Marshal Bazaine writes, under date of the 19th, to the 





THE MINISTER OF WAR. 


29 


effect that he still expected to be able to operate his retreat 
by Montme'dy. In consequence, I am about to take the 
necessary measures. 

“ Marshal MacMahon.” 


Marshal MacMahon to the General in command at Verdun; to 
the chief in command at Montmedy; and to the Mayor of 
Longwyon. 

“ Forward the following despatch to Marshal Bazaine ; 
very important ; send it by five or six couriers, to whom 
you will pay no matter what sum they may consider 
necessary to accomplish their mission. 

“ Marshal MacMahon.” 


MacMahon to Bazaine. 

“ Received your despatch of the 19th. Am at Rheims, 
going in the direction of Montmedy. Will be, the day 
after to-morrow, on the Aisne, where I shall act according 
to circumstances, in order to come to your assistance. 
Send couriers, at any price, with news.” 


The Minister of War to Marshcd MacMahon. 

“ Bethenville, near Rheims. 

“ The two batteries furnished by the Marine Artillery 
belong to the 1st Division of the 12th Corps.” 


The Minister of War to the Emperor. 

“ From Paris to Courcelles, Aug. 23, 

“ 4.20 p.m. 

“ Wimpffen is apprised. Lacretelle is appointed. The 






30 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


decrees given to Rouher are suppressed. I have renewed 
my applications for the completion of the r me 
infantry and cavalry—four regiments with six companies 
each. We have already twenty-six regiments ready to 
march.” 


The Emperor to the Minister of War , Paris. 

“ Courcelles, Aug. 23, 8.15. 

“ It is really essential to send towards llheims as a 
diversion—the principal point on the line—a sufficiently 
numerous force to prevent the advanced guard of the enemy 
from interrupting our communications. 

“ Napoleon.” 


Marshal Mac Mahon to the Minister of War. 

“Headquarters, Rethel, Aug. 24, 9.45 p.m. 

“ 1 fear I shall again have to encounter in the department 
of the Ardennes great difficulties in feeding my army from 
the produce of the country—difficulties which would become 
insurmountable if we should succeed in joining Bazaine. 
I therefore require that considerable supplies of biscuits 
should be forwarded to Mezieres—say two million rations. 

“ Marshal MacMahon.” 

Extracts from despatches dated September 4th. 

(Inauguration of the Republic.) 

“Libramont, Sept. 4, 1.45. 

“ Is the Prefect of Police at the Tuileries ?” 





THE LAST DESPATCH. 


31 


Reply. 

“ He is not at the Tuileries. Do not send this despatch. 
There is a gentleman in the adjoining cabinet.” 


“ Then don’t give anything to send. The new Director- 
General will send some one in half an hour.” 

2.30. 

“ Do you receive despatches for the Empress?” 


“No.” 


Reply. 


“ Is the Palace invaded, then ?” 


“ No.” 


Reply. 


“ If that is the case, I send you the following despatch 
from Madrid.” 

(Here follows a despatch from the Countess de Montijo 
to her daughter, the Empress.) 


The last despatch sent from the Tuileries on the ith of September. 

“ Paris, 2.50. 

“ Duperre 

“ At Mauberge. 

“ We hasten to Belgium. 

“ Filon ” 

(M. Filon, the Prince Imperial’s tutor, sent the greater 
part of the despatches for the Empress.) 






32 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

(15.) 

The Campaign of 1870. 

[Napoleon was, above all, anxious, on entering on the 
campaign, about the care to be devoted to his household and 
his table. The following instructions belong to history.] 

The Emperor’s Household. 

Service of the Grand Marshal. 

[Note concerning the service of the aides-de-camp, and of 
ordinance officers attached to the Emperor during the 
campaign.] 

44 The aides-de-camp and officers of ordinance will perform 
the service in rotation by seniority. There will be an aide- 
de-camp and an ordinance officer on duty every day. There 
will be two tables every day, whether in the fields or in the 
towns in which we sojourn, in order to afford the Emperor 
the opportunity of giving invitations to a more or less con¬ 
siderable number. 

“ At the Emperor’s table the Emperor’s aide-de-camp on 
service and the first equerry will eat (if the Emperor so 
orders). The second table will be presided over by the 
Adjutant-General, and will be composed of the aides-de- 
camp, officers of ordinance, equerries, officers attached to 
the Emperor’s aides-de-camp, and, if necessary, the cabinet 
secretaries. 

44 To simplify this machinery, which, at first sight, appears 
very complicated, all the Imperial cantines—which will form 
a total of from twenty to twenty-four—ought to be divided 
into two equal parts, each representing a particular service 

—that of the Emperor and that of the Adjutant-General_ 

each having a house-steward, cooks, and brigaded assistants. 



THE EMPEROR’S HOUSEHOLD. 


33 


“ The servants attached to the valets of the Emperor will 
bivouac or camp under tents carried by the fourgons of his 
Majesty. The valets of the Emperor, house-stewards, and 
the head groom will alone be boarded from his Majesty’s 
table. The valets of the aides-de-camp and of ordinance 
officers will receive campaign allowances, and will arrange 
amongst themselves for the installation of a special kitchen. 
They will perform in turu the service of their masters. To 
this effect the quartermaster will keep a surveillance over 
the service. 

“ The grooms will group themselves, and line as soldiers 
in campaign. One mule will be allowed them to carry their 
kitchen utensils. They will be under the command of a 
quartermaster-general and a brigadier, who will be obliged 
to hold themselves responsible for their discipline. 

“ The Emperor’s baggage will be escorted by a brigadier 
and six gendarmes of the squadron of the Guard. This 
baggage and the fourgons will always be under the command 
of one of the Emperor’s couriers. 

“ Palace of St. Cloud, July 18. 

“ The Adjutant-General of the Palace.” 

The Emperor''s Household. 

Service of the Grand Marshal. 

[Note on the organisation of the equipages of the aides- 
de-camp, and on their campaign outfits.] 

“ There will be allowed, as an indemnity, on entering on 
the campaign, to the aides-de-camp designated to accompany 
the Emperor, 20,000 francs ; and to the ordinance officers, 
15,000 francs. The former must have four saddle-horses, 

D 



34 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

and the latter three. These gentlemen ought to procure 
the horses with the least possible delay. The description of 
these animals must be sent, by the Emperor’s orders, to the 
Adjutant-General of the Palace, who will have them 
inscribed in a book set apart for the purpose in his office. 
There will be allowed, if demanded, to the aides-de-camp, 
two foot-grooms to conduct and groom their horses, and one 
groom to each ordinance officer. These gentlemen may 
each take with them a valet. 

“Each aide-de-camp or ordinance officer must have two 
complete sets of harness, in order to facilitate the changing 
of horses. The aides-de-camp and ordinance officers, during 
the campaign, will wear the tunic without trimmings, the 
hat and trousers scarlet, with spatterdashes; or trousers, 
with leather leggings, at discretion. There will be supplied 
to each of these gentlemen, by order of the Adjutant- 
General, a pair of bottle cases, with iron hoops, in order 
that they may be carried either in the baggage waggons or 
on mules. A certain number of baggage waggons and 
mules will be appropriated for this service by the first 
equerry. Tents—one for every two aides-de-camp, and one 
for every four ordinance officers—will be carried by the 
baggage waggons for service in case of necessity. The 
grooms and valets must provide themselves with tents 
similar to those used by the troops. Other than the regular 
baggage contained in the cantines, the fourgons of the heavy 
baggage of the Imperial headquarters will carry an extra 
cantine, besides the two spoken of, for each of these gentle¬ 
men, containing changes of dress, &c.; these cantines will 
only rejoin them during protracted delays in towns or 
cantonments—the heavy luggage waggons remaining with 


PROJECTS OF PROCLAMATIONS AND DECREES. 


the rear-guard. The aides-de-camp and officers of ordinance 
must provide themselves with the means of attaching their 
horses, either by cords or horse locks, as they may find it 
most convenient. These objects must naturally be carried 
by their own horses, as well as their stable utensils and 
saddler’s tools. 

“Palace of St. Cloud, 18th July, 1870. 

“ The Adjutant-General of the Palace.” 


(16.) 


Projects of Proclamations and Decrees . 


[The subjoined documents were found among H. 
Rouher’s papers. It is known that the ex-President of the 
Senate went to see the Emperor at Rheims. There it was 
that these documents were drawn up. At the last moment 
the plan was abandoned, in order to march upon the 
Ardennes, and to finish—whilst leaving the capital without 
an army of reserve—by the disaster of Sedan.] 

[Decree appointing Marshal MacMalion General-in-Chief 
of the Army of Chalons. The original is in the hand¬ 
writing of M. Rouher ; the signature is that of the Em¬ 
peror.] 

“Napoleon, by the grace of God and the national will, 

Emperor of the Trench, 

“ To all present and to come, greeting ; 

« Have decreed and decree as follows :— 
u Article 1.—Marshal MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, 
is appointed General-in-Chief of all the military forces com¬ 
prising the army of Chalons, and of all those which are or 



36 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

may be assembled under the walls of Paris or in the 
capital. 

‘‘Article 2.—Our Minister of War is charged with the 
execution of the present decree. 

“ Done at Rheims, the 21st Aug., 1870. 

“ Napoleon. 

“ For the Emperor : 

“The Minister of War.” 


Draft of a Letter from Napoleon to Marshal MacMahon. 

(In Monsieur Roulier’s handwriting.) 

“ Marshal,—Our communications with Bazaine are in¬ 
terrupted. Circumstances are becoming difficult and grave. 
I appeal to your patriotism and devotion ; and confer upon 
you the command-in-chief of the army of Chalons and the 
troops which will be assembled round the walls of Paris 
and in the capital. You will have, Marshal, the greatest 
glory—that of combatting and repulsing a foreign invasion. 
As for me, inspired by no other political preoccupation than 
the welfare of the country, I am determined to he the first 
soldier (1) to fight and conquer, or die at your side (2) in the 
midst of my soldiers. 


The Emperor’s Cabinet; the Private Secretary. 

[First draft of a proclamation from Marshal MacMahon.] 

“Imperial Headquarters, —, 18—. 

“ Soldiers,—The Emperor has confided to me the com¬ 
mand-in-chief of all the military forces which, with the 

(1) The words in italics are erased in the original document 

(2) Erased. 





DRAFT OF A PROCLAMATION. 


37 


array of Chalons, are about to assemble round the capital. 
My most ardent desire would have been to have gone to the 
rescue of Marshal Bazaine ; but, after mature consideration, 
I consider such an enterprise impossible under existing cir¬ 
cumstances. IV 3 could not approach Metz for several days ; 
and ere then the Marshal will have broken through the obstacles 
which keep him there. Our march direct on Metz could 
not .( 1 ) 

“ During our march towards the east Paris would be 
unprotected, and a formidable Prussian army might arrive 
under its walls. After the reverses which it suffered under 
the first Empire, Prussia has created a military organisation 
which permits it to arm rapidly its people, and to place under 
arms , in a few days , its entire population. It has thus con¬ 
siderable forces at its disposition. The fortifications of Paris 
will arrest the advancing flood of the enemy ; they will afford 

us time and means (2)-permitted the enemy to set 

considerable armies in movement. The fortifications of 

Paris will arrest the flood (2)-the enemy, and afford us 

time to organise (2), to utilise in our turn all the military 
forces of the country. The national ardour is immense ; 
the country is upstanding; I accept with confidence the 
command which the Emperor has conferred on me. 
Soldiers, I count upon your patriotism, upon your valour, 
and I have the conviction that , with perseverance (1), we 
shall vanquish the enemy, and drive him from our 
territory. 

Second draft of a Proclamation from Marshal MacMahon. 

[This draft is written in M. Rouher’s hand.] 

[Napoleon proposed to send to the Marshal, at one and the 



38 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

same time, both the letter and the proclamation which the 
Marshal was to address to the soldiers.] 

“ Soldiers! The Emperor has confided to me the 
functions of General-in-Chief of all the military forces 
which, with the Army of Chalons, will assemble round 
Paris and in the capital. My strongest desire arid my first 

thought (1)-my most ardent desire was to march to the 

rescue of Marshal Bazaine; but such an enterprise is 
impossible. We could not arrive near Metz for several 
days, and ere then Marshal Bazaine will have broken 
through the obstacles which hem him in. Besides, whilst 
we should be marching direct on Metz, Paris w T ould remain 
open, and a numerous Prussian army would arrive under its 
walls. 

“ The system of the Prussians consists in the concentra¬ 
tion of their forces, and in operating in great masses. We 
ought to imitate their tactics. I am about to conduct you 
under the walls of Paris, which forms the boulevard of 
France against the enemy. 

“ In a few days the Army of Chalons will be doubled in 
numbers. The old soldiers of from twenty-five to thirty 
years of age are rejoining everywhere. The national ardour 
is immense. All the forces of the country are ready. I 
accept with confidence the command which the Emperor has 
conferred upon me. 

“ Soldiers! I count upon your patriotism—on your 
valour. I hope to vanquish (1), and I have the conviction 
that, with perseverance and time, we shall conquer the 
enemy and drive him from our territory.” 




DESPATCH TO NAPOLEON. 


39 


(17.) 

Napoleon, after his first two defeats, had entertained the 
idea of returning to Paris. The fact is proved by the 
following despatch from the Empress—a despatch which 
had been torn up, and was found by the Commission in 
fragments.] 

The Empress to the Emperor. 

k * I receive a despatch from Pietri. Have you reflected 
on all the consequences which would result from your 
entrance into Paris under the stigma of two reverses ? As 
for me, I dare not undertake the responsibility of being 
counselled. If you decide to return, it would at least be 
necessary to present such a measure to the country as only 
provisional: the Emperor returning to Paris to reorganise 
the second army, and temporarily confiding the command- 
in-chief of the Army of the Rhine to Bazaine.” 


- Despatch to Napoleon. 

[The following despatch shows that the Emperor was 
still in command, notwithstanding his successive defeats and 
his military ignorance—notwithstanding, too, that General 
Palikao had announced to the Chamber that the Emperor 
had been superseded in the chief command by Marshal 
Bazaine—and notwithstanding the pressure of public opinion 
and repeated counsels. General de Failly is maintained at 
the head of his corps. The document is not dated, but is 
signed by the Empress.] 

“ At Paris, as at Chalons, the absolute conviction is that 
General Failly has not been equal to the command confided 



40 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

to him. The Council supplicates the Emperor to take a 
necessary, although painful, resolution. I have to inform 
you that General Wimpffen has been appointed to the com¬ 
mand of a corps d’armee at Paris. You might, if you require 

him, call him near vou. 

' * 


“ Eugenie.” 



GENERAL FLEURY AND THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. 41 


yii r. 

THE FRENCH EMBASSY AT ST. 
PETERSBURG—1870. 

(36.) 

PRIVATE LETTERS FROM M. DE VERDIELRE, ATTACHE TO 

GENERAL FLEURY. 

[Details concerning the ever-increasing favours with 
which General Fleury is received at the Court of the 
Emperor Alexander. M. de Verdiere gives in the following 
letter a singular proof.] 

“ January 25, 1870. 

“ To-day, my dear friend, I only send you a few lines 
with our affectionate remembrances. The courier leaves 
two days earlier than usual, and the time presses ! Nothing 
could be more monotonous than our existence here ; and, 
as I have already told you that I was profoundly dissatis¬ 
fied with this place, it is not necessary that I should insist 
on the subject. One thing only is making progress here-— 
and that is the principal— i.e., the daily-increasing favour 
of General Fleury with the Emperor of Russia. He has 
taken quite a fancy to him ; he always takes him to his 
bear-hunting parties, and allows the General to travel with 
him on a sledge for one person. This is the greatest of all 
favours, and I think that our politics will be highly favoured 
should no impediment from Paris be placed in their way. 
Already important results have been obtained—I mean the 
drawing closer of the bonds of friendship existing between 


42 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

the Czar and France, and the assurance that Russia will 
exercise its great influence on Prussia to prevent the latter 
Power from creating pretexts for new difficulties. I am 
persuaded that in a very short time the effects on the King 
of Prussia of these continual personal interviews with the 
Emperor will be felt. I know you to be so discreet that I 
go so far as to lift a corner of the diplomatic curtain ; but 
our action in this business must be kept secret, for we 
should only benefit the shrewd and clear-sighted, who 
appear to be very rare, to judge from the simplicity of the 
journals. I do not speak of Paris, always in a state of 
ferment^ and the occupation which these perpetual disturb¬ 
ances must cause you. You know all that I could tell you 
on this subject. I hope that this crisis will only be tem¬ 
porary, and that the same France which has overturned 
two Governments capable of having resisted will not 
seriously attack the Government which has just ceded to 
public opinion. 

“ Our poor Emperor gives us no sign of life. He fears, 
perhaps, to displease his new Ministers, or else he is the 
frigid man we know so well. Kind remembrances from all 
my family to your wife and yourself. What conversation 
we shall have this summer ! 

“ Yours truly, 

“ E. de Verdiere.” 


(37.) 

[Another confidential letter from M. de Verdiere, Attache 
to General Fleury, to M. Amiot, on home and foreign 
affairs.] 



M. DE VEKDIERE TO M. AMIOT. 


43 


“ February 9, 1870. 

■‘Dear Friend,—It is refreshing to think that neither 
absence nor estrangement operates (sic) on the affection of 
friends such as you. We are grateful to you for the fidelity 
with which you keep us au courant to what is taking place. 
We have just received your dispatch announcing the arrest 
of Rochefort. It crossed the despatch conveying my 
question ; and, when I sent it, I was convinced that it was 
quite useless. Our figure is very convenient, and in case of 
necessity might be extremely useful. We very rarely make 
use of our allowance from the Emperor ; and, between our 
selves, I may tell you that we are somewhat afflicted at 
seeing the Emperor give such few signs of life. You even 
confess yourself that you are astonished at this annihilation 
(purdon the expression) of the personage who has conducted 
our destinies for the past twenty years. Is he becoming 
old ? or weak ? or is he simply indifferent and cold towards 
his old friends ? I can understand that he should not wish 
to wound the susceptibilities of his new Ministers, by corres¬ 
ponding personally with an Ambassador who is one of his 
oldest servants. But if he does not wish to write about 
foreign politics, might he not, sometimes, give us some 
simple souvenir of his friendship ? In fact, if he were 
afraid of offending the Minister, might he not forward his 
letter to the Louvre—to be sent in the packet of M. Reis ? 
Of course this idea could not originate with himself. But 
Pietri, instead of fulfilling his mission heartily, is too 
personal to care about obliging those of whom he fancies he 
has no further need. Conti, too, is jealous, and would 
object to facilitating any amiable means on the part of the 
Emperor. If you see Pietri, you may tell him that you 


44 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

have received news from me ; and don’t hide from him the 
sad impression produced upon us both. 

“ What shall I say of politics ? Those concerning Paris 
I am convinced you judge with the same feelings as myself, 
and often partake of my sadness. I shall, however, continue 
to have confidence in the newly-inaugurated system. We 
have often said so—we were, indeed, tired and sick of it. 
Having before us the demagogues, we had not at the same 
time the support of the middle classes. A Ministry com¬ 
posed of men considered to appertain to what is termed the 
anciens partis has revived our hopes. We ought to be 
thankful to them, and to be prepared to pay them dearly for 
the support which they give us. 

“ I am less satisfied with the conduct of our foreign 
politics. The old tactics of Louis Philippe are becoming 
more pronounced every day. We experience its effects 
ourselves. Every despatch from Count Daru [Minister of 
Foreign Affairs] binds us hand and foot, thus rendering it 
impossible to derive any benefit from the excellent relations 
existing between the Russian Government and General 
Fleury. The foreign policy may be resumed in a generally 
expressed desire to obviate all difficulties—very praise¬ 
worthy, no doubt ; but it frequently occurs that, in main¬ 
taining too great a reserve, an occasion is afforded for the 
creation of difficulties which might otherwise have been 
obviated. If Bismark knew (and he will know) that we are 
determined to say nothing nor to do anything, what would 
be the result ? When we were sent here, it was, as you 
know, with the object of re-establishing the relations com¬ 
promised since the affairs of Poland. This has been done. 
It was also intended to produce a result of a nature to 


M. DE VERDIERE TO M. AMIOT. 45 

satisfy public opinion and the national amour propre. Our 
mission commenced under favourable auspices, and was 
being well conducted, when the new Ministry came into 
power : a Ministry whose motto was, ‘ Do nothing, and 
say nothing ! ’ Naturally enough, these orders were obeyed; 
but our business began to make progress all alone. The 
results produced were manifest, and they are attributed to 
us. We communicate them to Paris, taking care to insinuate 
that we have not been able to do anything in the matter, 
according to our instructions. What is the reply ? Always 
the same :—‘ Do nothing.’ . . . This is, of course, to 
be kept a perfect secret. 

“ It is becoming disagreeably cold here ; the winter is 
advancing rapidly , and, if I do not wish to return at once 
—and my return would be more disastrous for France than 
for ourselves—I sincerely hope that I shall not be obliged 
to pass a second winter here. Morally speaking, my wife is 
a little better. Mary is very well. Both send their 
affectionate remembrances to Madame Amiot and your 
children. I hope you keep an exact account of our 
telegraphic despatches. I shall have a tolerably large sum 
to reimburse you ; but we^ will not ruin you. We shall 
always be your debtors in gratitude, and, with a brave heart 
like yours, such a weight is not difficult to support. 

“ A thousand reminiscences, 


“ E. de Verdiere.” 


46 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


IX. 

TODTLEBEN ON THE FORTIFICATIONS OF 
PARIS; AND RUSSIAN OFFICERS IN 
FRANCE. 

THE FORTIFICATIONS OF PARIS JUDGED BY GENERAL 

TODTLEBEN. 

“ Sir,—It would be superfluous, in my opinion, to repeat 
what I have already had the honour of communicating to 
you concerning the circumstances which have placed me in 
relation with the ageuts of Russia. Marshal Vaillant and 
Count Walewski, whose instructions I have followed, are 
perfectly acquainted with my motives. It only remains for 
me, therefore, to submit to you the details of the facts to 
which your attention has been already called. Towards the 
end of December, 1856, Monsieur Grotlie, Attache of the 
Russian Embassy at Paris, whom I had the honour of 
knowing at Brussels during the war in the East, came to 
see me under a false pretext, and conducted me to the Hotel 
Sinet, in the faubourg St. Honore. There he introduced 
me to Colonel Albedenski, aide-de-camp of the Czar, and his 
military agent in France. This gentleman, after having 
spoken to me concerning his mission, explained the 
difficulties of his position, and ended by suggesting that I 
might render him some service—by simply procuring him 
the books and maps necessary for his instruction, together 
with the new works as they appeared in the military library. 
To these acquisitions to his library were added others for 


COLONEL ALBEDENSKI. 


47 


furnishing. Seeing nothing unlawful in this, I conformed 
to his wishes. It was then that he went to reside at the 
Saxon Embassy. Shortly my communications with him 
became almost daily—a circumstance which allowed me to 
take cognisance of the various sources from which he 
gathered his reports to the Czar. He began by borrowing 
largely from the Annuaire Militaire, the Almanack Napoleon , 
the Monlteur cle lArme'e , the Journal des Fails , the Journal 
Officiel de VArmee , and the Spectateur. There it was, he 
said, that he obtained positive information concerning the 
movements of troops; and, in fact, one of the principal 
objects of his mission was to keep himself au courant to the 
situation of the different corps, of their movements, and 
their residences. 

“ Soon his relations with the world placed him in communi 
cation with superior officers, whom he knew how to question 
ably on the organisation of the army, and on the modifications 
introduced in fire-arms. But this information was far from 
satisfying the object which Colonel Albedenski had in view. 
About the month of March, 1857, he formed a friendship— 
I know not how—with one of the Emperor’s ordinance 
officers; and from this moment he came into possession 
of precious documents. The officer in question gave him 
the design and the description of the rifled 12-pounder 
mountain piece, tried at La Fere the preceding year; he 
explained to him the fusees manufactured at Metz at this 
period, and intended, as well as the mortar, for the campaign 
in Kabylie ; he gave him a book, with plates explaining the 
manner of embarking and disembarking corps of infantry, 
cavalry, and artillery transported by railway; besides a 
complete account of the materiel of the different lines, indi- 


48 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

eating the number of plateaux, waggons, and locomotives at 
the service of the Minister; as well as the time neces¬ 
sary to transport to Marseilles from the extreme points of 
France, an army of 35,000 men, and the time occupied by 
transports and ships, for making the voyage from Marseilles 
to Constantinople. M. Albedenski had instructions to 
inform himself as minutely as though another expedition to 
the East were imminent. It was thus that he came to 
know, in precise figures, what classes were under the flag, 
the number of liberated soldiers, the real effective of the 
battalions, squadrons, and batteries of the Guard as well as 
of the Line—documents which he verified himself, at the 
reviews of troops by the Emperor, by passing in front of the 
lines. He also drew up a report concerning the breeding of 
horses in France, comprising the extent of production, the 
distinction of the races suitable for cavalry, the line, the 
artillery, and military train. A visit to Saumur furnished 
him with all the information he required respecting the 
training of horses. Such was the authenticity of his infor¬ 
mation that, even before the commencement of the campaign, 
in Kabylie, Colonel Albedenski addressed to the Czar a 
report containing the plans of operation of Marshal Randon ; 
and, later, he gave the precise number of our losses. On the 
arrival of the Grand Duke, whom he preceded to Piedmont, 
Colonel Albedenski was obliged momentarily to suspend his 
enquiries. A disease occasioned by every description of 
excess nearly cost him his life ; but, as a really good cour- 
tisan, he followed the brother of his sovereign everywhere. 

“ Scarcely recovered, he received instructions to visit, in 
company with General Todtleben, the fortifications of Paris 
and the detached forts, in order to take cognisance of the 


TODTLEBEN ON THE PARIS FORTIFICATIONS. 


49 


weakest points, and to verify the exactitude of the plan 
drawn up by the War Department. The small entrench¬ 
ments run up in 1831, at Pan tin, on the banks of the canais 
of St. Denis and l’Ourq, were the subject of much criticism. 
General Todtleben, however, approved of the construction 
of the Fort of Aubervilliers, considered the Fort of Romain- 
ville unassailable, and the position of the Fort de l’Est as 
admirably chosen. These works, commanding as they do 
a vast plain and two highways, according to him, render 
Paris invulnerable on this side. The conclusion arrived at, 
after mature examination, was, that the work accomplished 
by the engineers left nothing to be desired, unless it were 
that there exists a vast space between the Forts of La 
Bridie and Mont Valerien, which, by a false attack on St. 
Denis, would permit the enemy to cross the Seine and to 
establish parallels within range of several bastions on the 
fortifications between the Northern Bailway and St. Ouen ; 
that, once an opening made, Montmartre might be easily 
passed, the faubourgs avoided. And once established on 
the heights of the city—i.e., the richest quarters of Paris— 
an invading army might with but little trouble become 
successively masters of all the other points. To this report 
to the Czar, seriously and minutely discussed by these 
gentlemen, are added observations on the feelings of each 
quarter of Paris, as well as on the situation of the different 
barracks, and the strategical plans adopted by the War 
Department for the suppression of insurrections. 

“ Later, the same ordinance officer instructed Colonel 
Albedenski to procure official details respecting the camp of 
Chalons, of which he gave him a plan (as well as one of the 
department), of the works in progress, the nature of the 

E 


50 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

manoeuvres, the strength of the Imperial Guard—in fact, 
concerning everything having reference to the war adminis¬ 
tration and the different branches of service ; the price of 
provisions, property expropriated, etc. — everything per¬ 
fectly exact; and that fifteen days before the opening of the 
camp. 

“ On the arrival of the Emperor at Chalons, the colonel 
expressed his astonishment at not having been invited to 
attend the manoeuvres; to which the officer in question 
made the following characteristic reply :— 1 It is because, 
previously to causing to be executed his famous indirect 
(< oblique ) marches before competent judges, his Majesty 
wishes to study them, and habituate his sword to the smell 
of powder.’ 

i( A few days after, in fact, the colonel, with several 
other foreign officers, was invited to visit the grand 
manoeuvres. This visit, he says himself, permitted him to 
verify the reports of the general discontent of the soldiers— 
provoked by severe punishments, genuflexions at the mess- 
table, disciplinary confinement in the open air and without 
the slightest cover, the humidity consequent on several days 
of rain, etc. According to him, it was inconceivable that a 
camp should have been established on such ground, and in 
such an advanced season. These critics went so far as to 
assert that the Arab horses of the Guard suffered, that 
nothing was to be obtained in a rainy autumn, and that 
encampment during the winter season would kill them. 
These are the expressions he made use of in his report, 
which I read whilst it was being written. 

“ Once returned to Paris, the colonel and the officers 
never left each other. It was a series of dinners, visits to 


ALBEDENSKI’S REPORT ON THE FRENCH ARMY. 51 

Mabille, the Circus, the Opera, where they went arm-in-arm. 
I have never been able to learn the name of the officer ; but 
the following is an exact description of his person :—About 
five feet four inches in height, light hair, light moustache 
and imperial, complexion pale, somewhat bilious ; ofteu 
dressed in a blue coat, and decorated. His handwriting, 
which he does not attempt to dissimulate, is a round 
English hand ; his style is clear and precise. Every time 
he suggests an order or a modification, he cites a rule rela¬ 
tive thereto and its date. The last documents he furnished, 
were very detailed ; they treated of the new mode of recruit¬ 
ment; of the regulation ball proposed for all the corps 
cVarmee; of the number of rifles, after the model of 1845, 
rifled in the arsenals ; of the materiel of the engineers and 
artillery ; the number of horses, according to the reports of 
the inspectors-general ; of the arms, provisions, clothing, 
and camping materials in store or in the arsenals; in 
fact, in the month of September, he sent to the colonel a 
very interesting report on the moral situation of the army. 

“ If my memory does not deceive me, the subjoined 
is a resume of this report :—‘ Some of the marshals arc 
abhorred by the soldiers—Castellan, Pelissier, Magnan. 
According to the tone of the conversation of the generals, it 
is easily observed that there are rivalries between them, in 
consequence of favours accorded to the former; the com¬ 
mandants are generally devoted, but the simple officers, 
affecting disregard, spend their time at the cafes. With the 
sub-officers there exists a tendency to criticism and oppo.-i 
tion ; they are jealous of the Guard, and communicate their 
sentiments to the soldiers. This jealousy is still more pro¬ 
nounced amongst the engineers and the artillery, who are 


52 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE, 

secretly hostile to the Emperor. If it is sought to give a 
reason for the mobility which imparts to the French 
infantry such an irresistible elan , it must not be forgotten 
that this is due to the esprit de corps, to the character of 
the soldiers from the south of France, and to the desire to 
gain promotion and advancement. This is only the case 
with the infantry—the cavalry and artillery being in all 
countries organised pretty nearly on the same basis, and 
composed of the same elements.’ 

“ The colonel appeared to attach considerable importance to 
this short document; but it was abstracted, and he affirmed 
that the Prussian military agent, whom he v:as in the habit of 
receiving, ivas alone capable of such an act. The fact is 
easily explained by the extreme facility with which his 
friends penetrated into his study. From that moment he 
locked up his papers, and continued his work at the Russian 
Embassy, where a small study had been reserved for him. 
Besides, the colonel, when in his cups, was very communi¬ 
cative, and on these occasions his reserve was not that of a 
diplomatist. I have bad frequent occasions of noticing this. 
About the month of December, however, he appeared to wish 
to employ my services in a very dangerous undertaking— 
for instance, to inform him of the orders of the day read in 
the barracks ; to follow the rifle-practice at the Polygon of 
Vincennes, as well as the manoeuvres on the ground— 
responsibilities which I considered dangerous to undertake. 
I thought it necessary to inform M. Walewski of the 
measures I had taken ; but I was detained in my explana¬ 
tions, in consequence of the difficulty I experienced in 
obtaining an interview. 

“ In my opinion the role of Colonel Albedenski at Paris. 


RUSSIA AND THE EASTERN QUESTION. 


53 


proves that the Russians are not an inventive people; but 
are excellent in adapting to their own profit the genius ot* 
others; that the campaigu of the Crimea gave them a 
lessou which will not be easily effaced ; and that, under 
their manoeuvres, more or less secret, there are hidden im¬ 
placable hatred and a thirst for vengeance. Besides, I was 
convinced from certain information, which was not imparted 
to the above-named colonel, during the visit of the Emperor 
Napoleon to Stuttgardt, that Russia was far from regarding 
the Eastern question as definitively solved. 

“ Accept, sir, my best respects. 

“ (Signed) Tonnelie.” 


“Paris, March 12, 1858.’' 



54 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


X. 

COUNCIL OF REGENCY AND APPOINT¬ 
MENT OF SENATORS. 

Council of Regency Constituted in Prevision of the Emperor’s Death 
—Decrees Naming New Senators. 

(28.) 

[Although the title of our publication speaks only of the 
papers seized at the Tuileries, we think we should not 
abstain from giving an exceptional place to documents 
coming from another source when they are interesting. 

The following paper was seized at the residence of M. 
Rouher, President of the Senate. The envelope which 
contained it bore this inscription, evidently written with 
difficulty by the Emperor, and almost illegible:—“Letters 
patent naming the Council of Regency.” 

This document, enclosed in a second and larger envelope, 
and carefully sealed, had been placed in the hands of the 
President of the Senate on the 7th of October, 1869, at 
which time Napoleon was in very bad health.] 

“ Letters Patent. 

il Wishing to exercise the right conferred upon us by the 
senatus-consultum of the 17th July, 1856, concerning the 
Regency of the Empire, we name by these presents the 
members of the Council of Regency—1st, In case the 
Empress should be called upon to exercise the powers of 


COUNCIL OF REGENCY. 


55 


the Regency ; 2nd, In case that in default of the Empress, 
the Regency should devolve on Prince Napoleon (Jerome). 

“ In the first of these cases—that is to say, should the 
Empress become Regent—the Council of Regency shall be 
composed of eight members, and we name to form part 
of it:— 

“ E His Imperial Highness Prince Napoleon; 2. M. 
Rouher, President of the Senate ; 3. The First President 
of the Court of Appeal who may be exercising his func¬ 
tion at the time of the Regency; 4. The Minister of War 
for the time being; 5. Admiral Rigault de Genouilly ; 6- 
The Duke de Persigny ; 7. The Archbishop of Paris; 8. 
The Marquis de Lavalette. 

“ In the second case, if Prince Napoleon (Jerome) should 
become Regent, the Council of Regency shall be composed 
of ten members, and we name to form part of it :— 

“ 1. M. Rouher, President of the Senate ; 2. The First 
President of the Court of Appeal in the exercise of his 
functions; 3. The Duke de Persigny; 4. The Archbishop 
of Paris ; 5. The Marquis de Lavalette ; 6. The Minister 
of War for the time being; 7. Admiral Rigault de 
Genouilly ; 8. M. Jerome David ; 9. M. Laity; 10. The 
Commandant of the army of Paris at the time. 

“ The members of the Privy Council whose names are 
not herein mentioned shall not form part of the Council of 
Regency. 

“ In default of the Regency of the Empress, the guardian¬ 
ship of the Prince Imperial, or rather of the young 
Emperor (1), will be confided to General Froissard. 


(1) The words in italics were added between the two lines. Like 
the rest of the manuscript, they are in the handwriting of Napoleon. 



56 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


“Done at the Palace of St. Cloud, this 7th day of October, 
1869.” 


“ Napoleon.” 


(29.) 

The Senate and M. Emile Ollivier. 

There were found at the Ministry of Justice the minutes 
of eighteen decrees, naming so many Senators. All these 
decrees are dated from Saint Cloud, 27th July, and signed 
by the ex-Emperor and M. Emile Ollivier. This last 
signature, however, is wanting in the decree relative to M. 
Pietri; but this evidently arose from forgetfulness, as the 
name and the considerations are, in this decree, as in the 
others, in the handwriting of M. Ollivier. 

The following is a copy of the text of one of these 
decrees :— 

“ Napoleon, by the grace of God and the national will, 
Emperor of the French. 

“ To all present and to come, greeting. 

“ On the report of our Keeper of the Seals, Minister ot 
Justice and Public Worship ; 

“ In conformity with Article 24 of the Constitution ; 

“ Taking into consideration the services which M. Emile 
de Girardin has rendered as a pluliscite (1) (sic) [for 
publiciste, a publicist.] 

“ Have decreed and decree as follows :— 

(1) The words in italics (except the one between brackets) are in 
the handwriting of M. Emile Ollivier; the signature “ Napoleon” is by 
the hand of the ex-Emperor. The rest of the document is copied. 






NOMINATION OF NEW SENATORS. 


57 


“ First Article. 

“ M. Emile de Girardin is raised to the dignity of 
Senator. 

“ Second Article. 

“ Our Keeper of the Seals, Minister of Justice and Public 
Worship, is charged with the execution of the present 
decree. 

“ Done at the Palace of St. Cloud, this 27th day of July, 
1870. 

“ Napoleon. 

“ By the Emperor : 

“ The Keeper of the Seals, Minister of Justice and Public 
Worship. 

“ Emile Ollivier .” 

The seventeen other decrees are identical in form with 
the preceding. The indication of the services rendered is 
in each case in the handwriting of M. Ollivier. The names 
of the eighteen Senators, and the motives for their nomina¬ 
tion, are as follows :— 

1. Albufera (the Duke d’), deputy, services rendered as a 
deputy. 

2. Augier (Emile), services rendered by his literary pro¬ 
ductions. 

3. Autemarre (General d’), services rendered in his 
military career. 

4. Barbet, services rendered as late deputy. 

5. Benoit-Champy, services rendered as a deputy and as 
President of the Tribunal of First Instance. 

6. Camp (Maxime du), services rendered by his literary 
works. 


58 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

7. Darblay, services rendered as a deputy. 

8. Foy (Count), services rendered as ancient Peer of 
France. 

9. Girardin (Emile de), services rendered as a plubiscite. 

10. La Grandiere (Admiral), services rendered in 
acquiring a new colony for France. 

11. Lagrange, deputy, services rendered as a deputy. 

12. La Motterouge (General), services rendered in his 
military career. 

13. Leclerc d’Osmonville, deputy, services rendered as a 
deputy in three legislatures. 

14. Pasteur, services rendered to science. 

15. Petetin (Anselme), services rendered as prefect, and 
as director of the Imperial printing-office. 

16. Pietri, prefect of police, services rendered as prefect 
and as prefect of police. 

17. Pion, first president, services rendered as first 
president of the court of Toulouse. 

18. Rouge (De), Councillor of State, services rendered by 
his scientific works. 



THE PRESS AND THE ELECTIONS. 


59 


XL 

ORGANISATION OF THE PRESS. 

Note on the Organisation of the Press in View of the Elections— 
Subventions—Choosing Editors—Correspondence—The Parisian 
Press—The Peuple —The Patrie —The Relations of the Press 
with the Government—Connection between the Tuileries and 
the Press—M. Gregory Ganesco—Expenditure for the Election of 
M. Terme. 

(9.) 

[The piece which we now lay before the reader was drawn 
up by one of the chefs de bureau of the Ministry of the 
Interior—Press division. Though it is rather long, we 
reproduce it in extenso, because it gives an idea of the 
manner in which the Imperial Government handled universal 
suffrage, and prepared public opinion by means of subven- 
tioned journals.] 

“ 15th April, 1869. 

“ The organisation of the press in view of the general 
elections could not really be commenced till little more than 
two months ago. The time was short and the task urgent. 
The Minister will be convinced of it by the figures and facts 
which are about to be brought under his notice. 

‘‘The task was urgent, especially in the departments, as, 
with the exception of a very few cases, nothing had been 
done with a view of electoral publicity, either in the prefec¬ 
tures or in the special bureau of the Ministry, whilst the 
Opposition, by a contrary course of proceedings, made the 
most extraordinary efforts for the better organisation or the 
creation of hostile journals. It was necessary first of all to 


60 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


reorganise the bureau of the departmental press itself. The 
subjoined report of the chief of the departmental-press 
bureau explains in detail the progress made. The following 

is a resume : 

“ 1. Transformation of the section for the reading and 
examination of journals; introduction of a system of com¬ 
parative reading of the journals of the Opposition and of the 
Government by one and the same reader, in order to be able 
to follow with accuracy the different phases of the political 
struggle, department by department; daily observations of 
all electoral events, professions of faith, &c., which may be 
of interest to the bureau specially charged with the elections. 

“ This work is communicated day by day to M. Fleury, 
after having been submitted to the Director-General, and 
all the necessary documents are annexed ; it gives rise at the 
same time to an active correspondence with the prefects in 
view of rectifications and communications. 

“ 2. Creation of a complete section for departmental 
publicity. 

“ A certain number of editors prepare each day a series 
of correspondence, outlines of articles, various suggestions, 
directions, &c. It may be said that in this section the 
results have exceeded all expectations. A point recently 
attained will show its extent. The insertion of and com¬ 
mentary on the letter to an elector in more than eighty 
journals, were realised in less than three days. The Minister 
is from the present moment in a position to secure any pub¬ 
lication or any dissertation which he may think advisable, 
and wherever he may think proper, with the least possible 
delay, and according to the rules established by at least 150 
journals. 


FOUNDING NEW JOURNALS. 


61 


“ The reorganisation accomplished at the Ministry of the 
Interior could not have been efficacious if it had not been 
accompanied by a corresponding transformation in the 
journals of the departments themselves, and unless a certain 
impetus was given to it, as well as sufficient opportunity for 
propagandism. 

“This transformation was to be carried out by means of 
the prefects. Each of these functionaries having in his 
department the direction and responsibility ot the elections, 
the 7'ole of the press service was easily marked out: to call 
the attention of each prefect to the relative situation of the 
organs of the Government and the Opposition ; to poiut out 
to him the places, and inquire what measures he considered 
necessary to fill up gaps; to place at his disposition the 
requisite number of men, and sufficient funds, within the 
limits of the Budget. 

“ This is the plan which is in course of execution, and 
the results are now being placed before the Minister. 

“ Figures which have been already given will place 

vividly before the Administration the absolute necessity of 

* 

rapid and vigorous action. 

“ Since the 1st of January, 1869—that is to say, since 
the day when the near approach of the elections brought to 
the minds of the Opposition the necessity of counterbalancing 
the influence of the journals in the interest of the prefec¬ 
tures—it has founded, without counting special printing- 
offices to the number of fourteen, forty-six new journals, 
all created with a view to polemics—real weapons of war, 
handled with great resolution, and often with extreme 
violence. Besides which, it has reorganised the majority of 
those which were already in existence. 


62 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“It is true that, in spite of this considerable number, the 
numerical superiority of papers devoted to the Government 
remains none the less crushing, but it is a superiority of 
number rather than of strength. 

“ The Governmental press in the provinces comprises a 
number of papers exclusively devoted to advertisements, 
agriculture, and local intelligence—very good in their way 
in ordinary times, quite sufficient for the wants of the popu¬ 
lations, and serving to keep party papers out of the field. 
But they are not electoral auxiliaries. Even the political 
papers are seldom militant. Their semi-official character, 
and their relations, more or less openly acknowledged, with 
the prefecture, has imposed on them a certain reserve. The 
editing is often incomplete—indeed it is sometimes wanting 
altogether—and this insufficiency becomes the more apparent 
from the aggressive attitude and electoral activity with 
which the Opposition print their journals, both the old ones 
and those recently founded. 

“ Methodical proceedings were taken to fill up these gaps. 
A brief was made out for each department. The prefect 
was consulted on all questions of detail; his answers were 
compared with the indications furnished by the inquiries of 
the bureaux, the declarations of the deputies, and the daily 
reading of the local press. 

“ All these briefs are in order and complete, and the 
Administration is in. a position to explain to the Minister, 
whenever required, the situation of the press in each depart¬ 
ment. 

“ The result of this correspondence was the adoption o* 
four species of measures, varying according to the circum¬ 
scriptions :— 


SUBVENTIONS TO JOURNALS. 


63 


“ 1. Subventions destined to ensure either the existence 
or the devotedness of the journals. 

“ 2. Subventions destined to increase their publicity— 
that is to say, to send copies gratuitously during the electoral 
period, to counterbalance a similar system which the Oppo¬ 
sition has largely adopted. 

“3. Subventions destined to reinforce the editorial staff 
by the addition of new editors. 

“ 4. Choosing and sending editors, either at the expense 
of the candidates or the proprietors of the journals. 

“ This system, which corresponds with the exigencies of 
the situation noticed by the prefects, was immediately put 
into operation proportionally to the resources at the disposal 
of the Administration. 

“ In order to husband these resources as much as possible 
an understanding was come to with the prefects, the news¬ 
paper proprietors, the deputies, and the candidates. Thanks 
to the sacrifices made by these, and to some slight subven¬ 
tions deducted from the reserve of 50,000 francs, they were 
enabled to ensure in the departments the reorganisation of 
twenty-seven journals, and to reinforce the editorial staff by 
thirty-three writers sent from Paris. A table hereunto 
annexed gives details of these results. It will be seen by 
this table that three departments—the Bas-Rhin (9000 
francs), the Cote d’Or (6000 francs), and the Bouches-du- 
Rhone (5000 francs)—have between them absorbed 20,000 
francs out of the 34,000 expended. 

“The twenty-four other journals, then, were provided for 
with only 14,000 francs, in addition to the assistance 
afforded by the deputies and candidates. 

“ But on other points where the exigencies to be satisfied 


64 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

were greater, and where the participation of the administra¬ 
tion was rendered inevitable, there remain a great number 
of wants which urgently require to be provided for. Such 
is the object of the present note. Before encroaching upon 
the last reserves, it was deemed advisable to leave in 
suspense the demands which arrived from all quarters, in 
order to present them in a collective form, after a minute 
examination, to the Minister. This state of things presents 
at once a complete expose of the situation of the departmental 
press, and, in summing up the ascertained results, points 
out the wants to be provided for. 

“ The examination of this table shows, then, an expen¬ 
diture of 94,100 francs, to which must be added a certain 
sum for the reserves made by certain departments, and 
unforeseen contingencies. 

“ There remains, then, of the first credit of 50,000 francs 
a sum of 15,920 francs. If a fresh credit of 100,000 francs 
be added to the departmental-press budget, there will 
remain, to meet any wants that may arise, a surplus of 
21,820 francs, evidently not an extravagant sum. 

“ There is not, therefore, a single department the con¬ 
dition of which has not been minutely examined, where the 
propositions of the prefects have not been elicited, and 
where all, or at least the acceptable portions, of these 
propositions have not received satisfaction. 

Correspondence. 

“ The action of the Administration, however, could not 
be limited to the journals devoted to the Government. It 
was essentially necessary to ensure an indirect influence on 
the Opposition papers. 


THE CAHOT AND HAVAS AGENCIES. 65 

M There are two means of attaining this object, viz., to 
secure, in practical proportions, the aid of departmental 
correspondents ; to make use of the species of monopoly 
acquired by the firm of Havas for the transmission of 
telegraphic despatches in all the departments, and for 
journals of all shades of opinion. 

On the first point, setting aside the Pharaon agency, a 
sort of compromise was effected with the Cahot agency, 
which supplies twenty-seven journals, chiefly inclining to 
the Tiers-parti. M. Cahot will come every day during the 
electoral period to take his cue from the Ministry* 
He engages to introduce into his despatches to the papers 
all that would be compatible wdth their line of policy, 
and this without betraying his relations with the Govern¬ 
ment. 

“The Havas agency has always been in daily communi¬ 
cation with the Ministry. Every time that a denial or a 
rectification or a useful piece of news is to be put in circu¬ 
lation without delay, it is condensed under the form of a 
telegram and spread throughout the whole of France. It is 
agreed that this system shall be carried out to the very 
utmost degree, and that all communications which may 
be deemed unadvisable to be made known directly shall be 
transmitted in this manner. The great importance of this 
means of rapid publicity may be judged from the fact that 
M. Havas supplies three hundred and seven journals. 

“ In short, every time that it is considered necessary, 
official notes and correspondence are found in the Belgian 
journal Le Nord. The Administration does not mention the 
relations established with German and English papers, their 
interest being pecuniary during the period to be passed 


F 


66 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

through. These relations extend to about twenty journals, 
of which several are of the highest order. 

“The Parisian Press. 

“ The action of the local press being secured, it became 
necessary to take into serious consideration the part which 
the Paris press endeavours to play in the departments. 

“ In order to discover material facts, recourse was had to 
statistics ; the prefects were requested to make out a list of 
the Paris journals taken in each arrondissement. This list, 
which had never before been drawn up, revealed the fact 
that, making a deduction for the Journal Officiel , the number 
of subscribers to the Opposition journals greatly surpasses 
the number of subscribers to the Government organs. 

“ The Opposition, in fact, does not shrink from making 
great sacrifices in order to spread, in the clubs, in small 
political groups, and more especially in the cabarets , demo¬ 
cratic papers, particularly the Siecle and the National , at 
five centimes. This mode of propagandisin will certainly 
be greatly increased at the moment of the elections. We 
already know that the Tribune and the Electeur have made 
arrangements with certain committees for this purpose. It 
appeared important to re-establish the balance of political 
influence, and at least not to leave the field free for the 
action of adversaries. 

“ The table drawn up, in revealing the considerable 
number of copies of the Petit Journal Officiel sent into the 
departments, shows at the same time the great importance 
of the use of this powerful instrument of publicity. It had 
already been agreed upon with the Minister of State that a 
certain space should be reserved in the Petit Officiel for a 


BIOGRAPHIES OF MINISTERS. 


G7 


sort of compte rendu of electoral proceedings. It would be 
used, it is true, with all the discretion which the character 
of the journal demands; but it is an auxiliary which must 
by no means be neglected. It was thought that the 
Moniteur des Communes might also be made use of to a certain 
extent. The fact of its being placarded might make it 
useful, and a note to that effect has already been sent to the 
Ministry. 

“ Besides official publicity, the plan of action should 
embrace every possible means of influence on public opinion. 
The Petit Journal, which has a circulation of 250,000, is 
not political, it is true, but it enters into all classes of society. 
M. Millaud, the director, in accord with the press adminis¬ 
tration, has commenced the publication of a series of bio¬ 
graphies of Ministers, the principal members of the 
majority, &c. These biographies, very skilfully written, 
enter as far as possible into the political arena, without pass¬ 
ing the bounds. This journal, besides, is about to publish 
a military romance of the First Empire, which is written in 
a style diametrically opposed to the declamations and politi¬ 
cal romances of the Opposition, which are directed against 
the army. This romance will be furnished by the 
Emperor's Cabinet. M. Millaud is also about to publish 
lithographic portraits of the various candidates at the lowest 
possible price. We will cause them to be circulated by means 
of hawkers, who are also charged, without any expense to 
the Ministry, with the sale of the Emperor's letter to 
the Minister of State, of which 100,000 copies have been 
printed. 

“None of these means ot popular propagandism, any 
more than all publications which may appear useful—those 


68 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE* 

on public meetings, for example—will be neglected ; but to 
these auxiliaries it would be advisable to add certain 
journals which would promote daily discussion, and the 
choice has fallen on the Peuple and the Patrie. 

“ These two papers have agreed to reserve a certain space 
each day for electoral statistics of the departments. These 
statistics will be kept up by the Ministry, who will furnish 
information and articles, and a number of editors, comprising 
at present Messrs. Behaghel and Yitu, to whom will be 
eventually added Messrs. Aurelien Scholl and Adrien Marx, 
who will be entrusted with the duty of preparing for publi¬ 
cation such information as may be given them. With this 
object a circular has been addressed to the different prefects, 
requesting them to furnish such information as may be in 
their power. The editorial department will be established 
in Paris. 

“ Another circular was sent to the prefects, requesting 
them to make arrangements for the gratuitous distribution 
of Paris journals. In answer to this requisition, they drew 
up a list of persons and establishments to which, in their 
opinion, copies of such papers might advantageously be 
sent. By this system the papers will be forwarded directly 
from the publishing office, without any apparent influence 
either on the part of the Ministry or the Prefectures. It is 
by these means that the Opposition has forestalled the 
Government. 

“ The greater number of these lists have already come to 
hand, and use has been made of them in the departments of 
the Seine-et-Oise and the Seine-et-Marne. 

“ What, then, is the number of journals which should be 
forwarded by these means ? The journal Le Peuple , which 


SUBVENTIONS TO THE PARISIAN PRESS. 


69 


ob account of cheapness is advantageous, offers to send 
S 8,000 copies daily to any addresses that may be indicated, 
from the first of May to the first of June, for 60,000 francs. 

“ The Pdtrk, with which it is unnecessary to make any 
other than a political agreement, will forward any number 
of copies that may be required at the rate of 125 francs 
per thousand. There is a considerable difference between 
this price and the price of the Peuple , and it is for this 
reason that agreements have been entered into with the 
first-named journal. 

u It is difficult to give the exact total of this latter expen¬ 
diture. It is still more difficult to foresee the expenditure 
that may be necessary for the Parisian press during the 
electoral struggle. But the sum total of the expenditure, 
including indemnities to the editors above-named, besides 
the expenses, the utility of certain publications, or even 
certain reproductions, such as are presented every day, will 
amount to not less than 40,GOO francs. 

“ A second sum of 100,000 francs will, then, at the most 
moderate computation, be required to secure the aid of the 
Parisian press in the electoral struggle. 

“ The sum total of 200,000 francs may appear consider¬ 
able, but it is, in point of fact, greatly inferior to the sums 
expended by hostile candidates and committees. Publicity 
plays, and will play, from the present time, such an im¬ 
portant part in the forthcoming general elections, that 
already the printing-offices in Paris find it difficult to keep 
pace with the heavy demands made upon them. The Con¬ 
servative party, in spite of the activity of its adversaries, 
displays its usual indolence. It depends wholly on the 
Government for its defence. The influence which it has 


70 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


hitherto been so difficult to exercise over the Paris press— 
an influence which, above all, depends upon official state¬ 
ments—requires a certain sanction, and this sanction is the 
certainty that the Government is disposed to make sacri¬ 
fices in favour of those who serve it. The idea of material 
aid adds greatly at the present day to moral influence, and 
many disaffections and desertions may be avoided by grati¬ 
fying certain personal interests or desires. 

“If this last assertion required confirmation, the proof 
may be found in the agreement entered into with the 
Figaro. This agreement, which the Minister himself 
directed, promises useful results. It was, as his Excellency 
is aware, the principal desire of the Administration, and the 
attitude of the writers on this journal was such that the 
desired result was scarcely to be hoped for. 

“ With the France , the Peuple , the Fatrie, the Messager de 
Paris , the Const itutionnel, the Public, the Pays, and the Dix- 
Decembre , the Government presents itself at the elections 
at the head of a great number of organs, differing, it is 
true, in the spirit which animates them, and in the influence 
which they exercise, but all firmly attached to dynastic 
principles. Daily relations are kept up with them; and 
every day eight or ten editors come to the Ministry to 
receive their instructions, and during the electoral period 
the Administration declares itself in a position to publish 
daily in Paris, as well as in the departments, anything that 
may be agreeable to the ministry. The tools are ready; 
they will obey without hesitation the orders given to them. 


“ Situation Departmental press. 
“Names of editors. 

“ Credit allowed. 



THE TUILERIES AND THE PRESS. 


71 


(26.) 

The Relations of the Press with the Government. 

[The following memorandum, unsigned, and relative to the 
journal Le Pays , is evidently in the handwriting of Monsieur 
Granier de Cassagnac. It will be borne in mind that 
M. de Cassagnac received considerable sums from the Im¬ 
perial purse.] 


Memorandum for M. Conti. 

<c Pray tell the Emperor—1st, That a few words, seriously 
spoken, to Monsieur de Lacharriere, Director of the United 
Press Association, would be sufficient to determine him to 
sell the Pays in many of the kiosques of the boulevard, 
where it is ashed for in vain every evening; 2nd, That a sum 
of 750 francs per month daring the Legislative Session — i.e., 
3000 francs in all—would permit me to give, as a supplement, 
the discussions in the Chambers, which occupy all my space; 
and that, besides publishing these debates, LePays would be 
in a position to procure more editorial assistance, and be more 
useful. The Minister of the Interior might accord me this 
little increase. I am obliged to pay 600 francs per month 
out of the sum allowed to my editors, in order to send Le 
Pays to the prefects and sub-prefects of the departments.” 


(43.) 


Connection Between the Tuileries and the Press. 

Certain journals have entertained numerous relations with 
the Cabinet, as also with the Privy Purse of the ex-Emperor. 
The proofs are abundant. We shall make our choice 



72 TIIE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


amongst the most moderate of the mass of documents ol 
this description. 

Here, for example, is a letter by M. Pinard, then 
Minister of the Interior, recommending M. Gregory 
Ganesco to M. Conti. Next come two letters by M. 
Ganesco, recommending himself. 


“Ministry of the Interior. 

“ Cabinet of the) Minister , 

“Paris, the 4th June, 1868. 

“ My dear Friend,—You know, at least by reputation, 
Ganesco. The Nain-Jaune has two lines of policy. 
Ganesco, in spite of his past, or at least his reputation, has 
promised me to follow the good one and to absorb the 
other. 

“ He brings me an article in which he has spoken so 
nobly of our Emperor, that I wish to send it to you. You 
so well know the sore point of the journalist, that you will 
pardon my sending this, it being of a nature to encourage 
this sinner who seems to repent. Many persons were struck 
by this article yesterday. Show it at least to Pietri , to 
whom I had explained, as well as to the Emperor, the 
motives which induced me to re-ailow the paper to be sold 
in the streets. 

“ It is, of course, only the passage relative to the Emperor 
which I approve of in the article. Excuse my letter. 


“ Yours, 


“ Pinard. 



M. GREGORY CANESCO TO M. CONTI. 


73 


« Be kind enough to send me a word on your card, to let 
me know if the Emperor is well, and whether his sufferings 
of yesterday have ceased. “ P. n 


Letter to M. Conti , Senator , Chief of the Emperor's Cabinet. 

“ (Personal.) 

“ Paris, 30th January, 1870. 

Monsieur le Senateur,—I have just done myself the 
honour to address a few letters to the Emperor, annexing 
the enclosed article. It will be your duty to point out to 
his Majesty the paragraphs of my work which you think 
worthy of his attention. I hope I am mistaken ; but I fear 
that before long, from some place of exile, I shall have the 
misfortune to remind you both of the article in the Parlement 

of yesterday evening and of this letter. 

“ It is not from spite at not having had my share of the 
places and favours which are being distributed ; it is not 
even sorrow at seeing myself deprived of the smallest part 
of that justice which is due to my long political studies and 
my political education. It was my sentiments for the 
Emperor and my gratitude, even greater than is expressed 
in the article ‘The Fall of the Empire/ which caused me 
to take up my pen. 

“ Do not say, Monsieur le Senateur, that my line of 
conduct in a journal which the public loads with its favours* 
embarrasses the course of the Government. Nobody supports 
M. Emile Ollivier and some of his colleagues more sincerely 




74 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

than myself. What I embarrass, and what I hope to 
embarrass more and more, is the progress of the Orleanist 
conspiracy. 

“ It is seldom that I ascend the tribune at a public 
meeting (and I do so at least three times a week) without 
an Orleanist emissary beiug there, flanked by a few Irre- 
concilabies, to take account of the injury I might do, in the 
tribune of the Legislative Body, to the adversaries of the 
Empire, and also to take account of the difference between 
my taleuts and those lavished on the Chamber of Repre¬ 
sentatives by the exclusive favourite of the Prince, M. 
Duvernois. 

“ It is also true that the Parlement is read at the Orleanist 
headquarters with an attention which, for want of time, 
cannot be accorded to it at the Tuileries. It is true, in fact, 
that the Imperial Government singularly assists the 
Orleanists in preventing me from rendering any service to 
the Empire. 

“ The Minister of the Interior, M. Chevandier de Val- 
drome, recently expressed his warmest thanks to me for the 
attitude taken by the Parlement in presence of the events 
which followed the disaster of Auteuil. On the other 
hand, for two or three nights, some simple rioters came to 
contemplate the bureaux of the Parlement. 

“ I attached just as much importance to the thanks of 
M. Chevandier as to the demonstration of the rioters. 
These last did me no good, and many of the colleagues of 
M. Chevandier have his permission to do me harm. 
It is logical, it is politic. I defend the Empire against 
Orleanism ! 

“Excuse, Monsieur le Senateur, this letter, too long and 


M. GREGORY GANESCO TO THE EMPEROR. 


75 


too sincere. I will not permit myself to importune you with 
a second. 

“ I am, with the most profound respect, your humble and 
devoted servant, 

“ Gregory Ganesco.” 


“ Sire,—I have nothing to fear in troubling your Majesty 
in your electoral impressions. Even if the result of the 
scrutiny had not been satisfactory, I know that nothing 
could disturb that superb calm in which lies the strength 
and wisdom of the Emperor. 

“ Permit me, then, Sire, to give you, not as regards my 
humble self, but in a political point of view, some explana¬ 
tions with regard to my legislative candidature. 

“ When, contrary to my expectations, the Government 
presented a candidate in the third circumscription of the 
Seine-et-Oise, I understood that I must either withdraw my 
candidateship or resign myself to the role of an electoral 
agent. 

“To withdraw my candidature would be to leave the 
field open to Messrs. Portalis and Say—who exhaust*in 
each a vocabulary of abuse of Orleanist Liberalism—and to 
M. Peigne Cremieux. 

“ It would be, besides, to inflict on the population the 
spectacle of a malevolent opposition annoying in the present, 
and having no one to remind it of the past. 

“ To resign myself to the role of an electoral agent would 
be to bury my own candidature only to give life to the 
official candidature ; to give life to this latter by the impres- 



76 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

sion which one hundred and thirty speeches, improvised in 
seventeen days, had left on the mind3 of the populations, by 
the patriotic vibration which the popular mind, so inti¬ 
mately attached to the Napoleons, must have felt in presence 
of a young man who, although exposed to the annoyances 
of the agents of the Administration, did not cede an inch of 
ground to the partisans of fallen dynasties. 

“It is thus that I fortified, Sire, the friends of the 
Government in their practice of following the Government 
in its choice, and brought upon myself the hatred of the 
enemies of the Empire, at the same time that I exposed 
myself to all their manoeuvres. I had become the common 
enemy ! 

“Your enemies, Sire, calculated, even on the eve of the 
scrutiny, that the honourable M. Rendu would not have 
more than 4000 votes, and that I would have 10,000. I 
was, perhaps, the only one in the circumscription of Pontoise 
who did not partake of this opinion. 

“ But at present I am not alone in thinking that my aid, 
and the sacrifice of myself, have been useful to the cause oi 
the country and the Emperor. 

“ Sire, a whole generation, habitually silent, have sud- 
dqply become smitten with a passion for tumult. For such 
a situation—a situation altogether new—your Majesty will 
judge if my pen and my word, my devotion and my expe¬ 
rience of political events, will be of any use. I am at the 
orders of the Emperor. 

“ I remain, Sire, your Majesty’s humble, obedient, 
devoted, and faithful servant and subject, 


“ Gregory Ganesco.” 


EXPENDITURE OF M. TERME’s ELECTION. 


77 


(44.) 

The “ Peuple,” a Daily Political Journal. 

16, Rue du Croissant. 
Account of the expenditure for the election of M. Terme. 

Fr. c. 


To Vallee for printing 

• • • 

5700 00 

4000 copies of the journal, the Paris 


600 00 

6000 copies of the Epoque 


1800 00 

20,000 copies of the Peuple 


400 00 

Bill-sticking—Bernard 


1300 00 

„ Lecrosnier 


800 00 

,, Albert 


1000 00 

Expenses. 


500 00 

,, MM. Holland 


20 00 

,, Bourcier 


58 00 

,, Berthier 


250 00 

,, Bertrix 


133 00 

,, Puech .... 


200 00 

,, Thienlot 


204 00 

,, Favre .... 


150 00 

,, Louis .... 


15 00 

„ Bauny .... 


114 50 

To Bourdon Ploquet, hands and distribution 

243 25 

Services of the porters of the Peuple and others 

1234 00 



14,721 75 


Received the fourteen thousand seven hundred and 
twenty-one francs seventy-five cents, above mentioned. 

G. Morangis. 


Paris, June 2, 1869. 













78 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


XII. 

THEOPHILE SILVESTRE. 

(41.) 

Letters to M. Pietri and the Emperor—Plan for a History of the 
Second Republic and the Second Empire. 

[M. Theophile Silvestre, ex-editor of the Nain Jaune , ot 
the Figaro , and of the Dix-Deeembre , a distinguished art 
critic, forwarded to the Emperor’s Cabinet a voluminous 
correspondence, in which he exposes very singular plans, and 
solicits subventions and pensions. We select two letters, 
which have, at least, the merit of being curiosities.] 

“ Paris, Jan. 2. 1867. 

“ Dear Friend,— 

“ You inform me, in two words which touch me 
that the Emperor has had the extreme generosity to allow 
me a thousand francs a month for a year. The Emperor 
has always been ready to assist me in my troubles, and that 
frequently at times when I was the least capable of rendering 
him any service. I know not how to express my gratitude; 
but I think I shall do best by begging you—whom the 
Emperor knows and appreciates so well—to thank his 
Majesty for me. The historical work of which I have 
already spoken to you will resume the principal events of 
the last reign, treat of the revolution of 1848, with its 
systems, its sects, its leaders, its victories, and its dupes. 
To the corruption of ideas, the despair of pauperism, the 


M. THEOPHILE SILVESTRE TO M. PIETRI. 


79 


abasement of the nation in the eyes of foreign nations, and 
civil wars, succeeds the Government of his Majesty, the 
father and saviour of society. Neither optimist nor 
pessimist in history, I am convinced that man eternally 
resembles himself, under different forms of progress; that 
there i3 always to be feared for to-morrow the dangers of 
to-day ; that peoples, especially France, commence to lose 
their memory from the very moment of their deliverance. 
In fine, without awakening passions which are already 
dead, nor dormant hatreds, I place in a parallel line the 
prosperity, the present stability, and the anarchy revealed 
by the ignorance, the ambition, the vanity, and resentment 
of an infamous minority. Instead of confining myself to 
picturing the physiognomy of Paris, I accord to the pro¬ 
vinces the legitimate part which is their due. The depart¬ 
ments of France, whilst remaining more thau ever attached 
heart and soul to the great national unity of which the 
Emperor is the august incarnation, are no longer, as 
formerly, prepared to submit to other Governments, impro¬ 
vised by adventurous leaders, and to receive by post flags 
either white or red. Paris, the head and heart of the 
Empire, is no more the Empire entire thau a single crater of 
Mount Vesuvius is Vesuvius itself. Political journalism 
has lost its status ; I have often told you so. You have 
had sufficient occasions for recognising this truth, more or 
less insignificant or corrupt, indeed, in the cheap literary 
pres?. Journals, political and non-political, are necessary; 
there are idlers and maniacs. From time to time, I also 
admit, public opinion may require the application of the bit 
or the spur. But serious people no longer read any but the 
best-written works. However profound and just may be the 


80 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE, 

thought of the writer, uo effect is produced if the writing is 
not incisive and picturesque. It is notorious that I am one 
of the three or four writers who have resisted against the 
universal decadence of literature. Poverty, as well as the 
pride of my temperament, will sufficiently explain to your 
just impatience my long hesitation. You know how much 
silence weighs on my gratitude and compromises my 
vocation. 

“ M. Mocquard understood that I was made to be the 
private historian of a sovereign as they existed under the 
Old Monarchy. I reminded himself occasionally of Fievee. 
In order to be sincere to the end (it was, unfortunately, my 
nature), is it not sad to see the history of a great reign 
written by daily driblers, by envious and impotent writers f 
Do you recognise in this the embarrassment of future his¬ 
torians in the midst of vain recriminations, scattered in 
narratives or fallen from that tribune which corrupts our 
language in concealing the truth ? 

“ I pray you, dear Pietri, to tell the Emperor up to what 
point I desire to show my gratitude for his goodness by my 
services. Loyal and devoted, I desire not only to be 
assisted, but also, and above all, to inspire confidence. In 
order to write history well, it is necessary, first of all, to be 
well informed. 

“I have studied my subject after nature. I have lived 
through it all; but I do not yet know nearly as much as I 
should wish to know. There are in the portfolios of such 
an Administration, or of such a Ministry, documents which, 
studied with proper prudence and discretion, would impart 
light and authority to my work. 

“ What are your fixed ideas—the ideas of myself, of our 


M. THEOPHILE SILVESTRE TO THE EMPEROR. 


81 


friends, of the whole world? The longest possible duration 
of the life, of the reign of the Emperor, and the glorious 
future of the Prince Imperial. As for myself, what do I 
require ? A pen, and the daily bread of the Pater. 
Nothing more. I have spoken to you as a friend, with a 
grateful heart. You have understood me. Thanks. 

“ (Signed) Tiieopiiile Silvestre. 

“33, Rue Beuret, Vaugirard, Paris.” 


To the Emperor. 

“Paris, December 10, 1869. 

“ Sire, 

“ In these times of agitation and word-coining, it has 
not been an easy matter for writers, even the most devoted 
to tbe Empire (no matter what their talent), to stem the tide 
of hostile opinions ; and this is one of the principal causes 
of the failure of the weekly journal Le Dix-Decembre. 
Having been called upon to assist in the editorship of this 
publication, I contributed a tolerable number of political 
articles, more especially the following, which bear my sig¬ 
nature :—- 

“ Political Fanatics—The Ideas of Baudin—The Con¬ 
ferences of MM. Jules Simon , Saint-Marc Girardin, Pelletan , 
£ c ., at the Theatre of the Prince Imperial — Ghosts — M. Jules 
Simon with the Communists—The Manoeuvres of Parties and 
Electoral Intrigues from 1852 to 1869— Exiled Pamphleteers 
—The Death of Baudin (the only true account)— M. Emile 
Ollivier _ M. Ernest Benan—The Emperor and the late Speech 

from, the Throne. —The suppression of the Dix-Decembre 

G 



82 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

deprived me of my occupation—my last resource in the 
Emperor’s service. 

“ Sire, I ought to confess here, with the liveliest grati¬ 
tude, that I am the debtor, to a certain degree reprehensible, 
of your Majesty. Serious engagements which I undertook 
in your Majesty’s behalf have not yet been fulfilled. My 
loyalty remains the hostage of such distinguished confidence. 
Benevolent friends will contribute to the too feeble expres¬ 
sion of my thoughts, the delicacy and the elevation of their 
personal sentiments. 

“ A little more than a year ago your Majesty came to my 
assistance, taking into consideration my talent, my zeal, and 
my complete ruin with the Nain Jaune, in which speculation 
I first of all made the sacrifice of my appointment as 
Inspector-General ; and afterwards lost 80,000 francs in 
six months, in serving exclusively the interest of the 
Emperor, in the midst of the most violent animosities. 

“Your Majesty afterwards deigned to approve of my 
entirely new plan of a History of the Ideas, Characters, Facts , 
and Movements of the Second Republic , followed by the 
Second Empire, in the interest of our country. It was a 
living dissection of men and things, of parties and of sects ; 
the memento of our caprices, of our errors, of our intestine 
commotions, and our periodical expiations. It was antici¬ 
pated that this work would produce a salutary effect on the 
last general elections. But it has remained unpublished, 
infinitely less from any fault of mine than of my circum¬ 
stances. First, I demanded, with timid discretion, only two 
years to execute the work. I was pressed to w r ork well and 
rapidly, without being able to justly appreciate (as I should 
have been able to do myself from day to day) the subtleties 


SUBSIDY TO M. TIIEOPHILE SILVESTRE. 


83 


and complications of the task. What a chaos of opinions 
and doctrines ! What a mass of documents, both public and 
secret! What a number of written and oral revelations 
confided to my memory and discernment ! I had to control 
marked personal feelings, and often verify them by obscure 
but truthful testimony. It was necessary also to probe, in 
turn, characters distrustful, daring, logical, contradictory, 
in order to draw from my researches the authentic position 
of an epoch so much troubled in its situation, thought, and 
discordant in its acts. 

“Secondly, I should have had access to the record- 
offices of the tribunals and the archives of the Ministries; 
to be able to consult at pleasure, in my own study, and not 
in a public room, as a matter of prudence and saving of time, 
newspapers, pamphlets, placards, caricatures, and songs in 
the Imperial Library. Instead of personal favour, justified 
beforehand by my special aptitude and my notoriety, I 
found there nothing but restrictive formalities, merely 
matters of course for the public, but paralysing for me. 

“ In order to accomplish my work in all security, without 
burdeuing the personal generosity of the Emperor, I asked 
of your Majesty either the situation of the Historiographer 
of the City of Paris, who had just died, and who had not 
yet been replaced, or the direction of the Museum of Anti¬ 
quities of the Hotel Carnavalet. 

“ Without deciding anything on this point, the Emperor 
had the goodness to allow me a thousand francs per month 
out of his privy purse, a subsidy which ceased on the 1st 
of June last. 

“Previously, in truth, I was constantly incited by the 
most zealous friends of the Emperor to finish my work 

G 2 


84 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

promptly, before the general elections. I myself believed I 
should be able to succeed, but, hindered in so many ways, 
and disgusted, if not discouraged, I could not bring myself 
to hurry over a work which should be profound, solid, and 
of national utility. 

“ Sire, it is thus that, in the full vigour of manhood, of 
talent, and of good will, I remain with my work inter¬ 
rupted, without position and without the smallest fortune, 
and, what is worse, I shall appear to have unworthily abused 
the extreme goodness of the Emperor. 

“ A situation so false greatly troubles my conscience and 
that of my friends, weighs too heavily on my dignity, and 
gravely compromises my future. I have the firm hope that 
your Majesty will give me, as soon as possible, the means of 
resolutely and nobly extricating myself from it. 

“ Deign to accept, Sire, the homage of the most profound 
respect, with which I have the honour to be, your Majesty’s 
very humble, very obedient, and very faithful subject, 

“ (Signed) Theophile Silvestre. 


“ 30, Quai du Louvre.” 



M. PERSIGNY ON THE CABINET NOIR. 


35 


XIII. 

THE CABINET NOIR. 

Its existence—Letter from M. Persigny—The Opening of Letters ; 
M. Hyrvoix; the Countess de Castiglione; Madame Botti 
M. A. de la Gueronniere—Report to the Emperor on M. Collet- 
Meygret; Seyssel Asphalte ; M. Place ; M. Pereire ; Lighting 
Paris by Gas ; Relations with MM. Mires, Prost, and Millaud ; 
the journal La Verite ; the Coal Mines of Graissessac. 

The Existence of the Cabinet Noir. 

(3.) 

[The fallen Government has always denied the existence 
of the Cabinet Noir, where private letters were opened and 
read. The following letter from M. de Persigny proves the 
existence of such a cabinet, which had, as has been already 
seen, taken cognisance of the letter from General Ducrot to 
General Trochu. This same bureau also concerned itself 
with family matters. The Commission has, for instance, 
found a letter of friendship addressed by Madame de 
Remusat to her husband. These letters were opened and 
read by the members of the Cabinet Noir. 

The note on the opening of letters—a sequel to the letter 
of M. de Persigny, already published, on the Cabinet Noir— 
has neither date nor heading ; neither has the report on 
M. Collet-Meygret, which follows the note, any date, but the 
authenticity of these documents is guaranteed by annota¬ 
tions in the handwriting of the ex-Emperor. The chief 
interest of these documents lies in the fact that they prove 


86 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

that the system of espionage organised by the Government 
of the 2nd of December did not spare even the Imperial 
functionaries. These last denounced one another, and 
their reports were all centralised in the hands of Napoleon 
TIL] 

Opening of Letters. 

“ The following letter-carriers, employed in delivering 
letters in the streets placed opposite their names, are 
engaged, for a money consideration, in the secret police of 
the Ministry of the Interior, directed by M. Saintomer :— 


Hennocq . Rue de Varennes, 

Decisy . ,, Belle-Chasse, 

Busson . ,, St. Nicolas-d’Antin, 

Houde . ,, Caumartin, 

Thibault . ,, Chausee-d’Antin. 


“Their duty consists in delivering up the correspondence 
of such persons as may be indicated to them. They are 
aided by concierges, engaged like themselves in the same 
organisation. At each delivery of letters they enter the 
lodges of these concierges, leave the letters if necessary, 
and call for them at the next delivery. By this means they 
escape suspicion, for they might be forced to call at the 
odges of these concierges in order to deliver letters for the 
persons living in the house. The confederates of the letter- 
carriers on the left bank of the Seine are not known. Those 
on the right bank are aided by the following concierges:— 


Pierre Rue d’Anjou, 9. 

Orsier Rue d’Anjou, 3. 

Pinsoi Rue d’Anjou, 53. 

Niaux (Pierre) . Rue de la Chausee d’Antin, 2. 


“ The letters received by these concierges are generally 
taken in a cab to the residence of M. Saintomer, Iiue Las- 











PRIVATE LETTERS OF M. HYRVOIX. 


87 


Cases, 18, who opens them, takes a copy if necessary, and 
reseals them. They are then taken away by the concierge, 
and given to the letter-carrier at the next delivery. It is 
not known whether or not the postman who delivers the 
letters in the Avenue Montaigne and the Avenue d’Antin 
is in the service of the 1 General Direction of Public 
Security/ but it is evident that if his aid has been dispensed 
with, the services of the concierges of the houses of persons 
whose correspondence the ‘ Direction ’ wished to read 
were secured. 

“ These operations are generally conducted with great 
secrecy and tact; but, nevertheless, they do not seem to 
have quite succeeded in the Rue Caumartin, where a woman, 
whose letters had been opened caused an inquiry to be 
made, which, though conducted by M. Palestrino himself 
for several days, did not lead to the expected results. 


“ M. Hyrvoix. 

11 The report was current in Paris during the Emperor’s 
stay at Plombieres, that M. Hyrvoix was occasionally con¬ 
nected with the inmost life of the Emperor. It was thought 
at the Ministry of the Interior that perhaps M. Hyrvoix 
might have confided some secrets, connected with this 

delicate subject, to his mistress, Mme. de -who at that 

time resided in the Rue Caumartin. In order to be sure, the 
letters received by this lady for some time were ordered to 
be opened, but nothing was discovered, except the usual 
effusions of an absent and uneasy lover. It was the letter- 
carrier of the Rue Caumartin who delivered these letters to 
the agents of the Ministry of the Interior. 



88 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ The Countess de Castiglione. 

“ During the Emperor’s stay at Plombieres and Biarritz 
the letters received by Mme. de Castiglione were opened and 
read by the agents of the Ministry of the Interior. The 
contents of these letters and the names of the persons 
from whom they emanated are not known, neither is it 
known whether they were delivered up by the postman or 
the concierge (1). 


“ Madame Botti. 

“M. Collet-Meygret was not on the best of terms with M. 
Fould, and it was no doubt in order to procure arms to turn 

against him, that the correspondence of Mme.-, 

who was known to be his mistress, was read. It is not 
known whether the letters were given up by the letter- 
carrier or by the concierge. 

“ The correspondence of Mme. de Montebello (2) was read 
by the agents of the Ministry of the Interior, to whom it 
was given up by the letter-carrier charged with the distri¬ 
bution of letters in the Rue de Varennes. 

“ Monsieur A. de la Gueronniere. (3) 

“ This Councillor of State had been in a position to cause 
the restitution to M. Billault of the letters written by him 
at the period of the first elections to the Legislative Body, 

(1) Here is found on the margin, in the handwriting of Napoleon : 
As none existed , none could have been found. — N. 

(2) It was “ this ladxj ” in the minute. The name of Madame de 
Montebello was written by Napoleon. 

(3) The six following lines are erased in the minute. 







REPORT ON M. COLLET-MEYGRET. 


89 


in which letters the person of the Prince-President of the 
Republic was treated in terms that were now rather 
embarrassing for the Deputy become Minister of the 
Interior. 

“ M. de la Gueronniere is considered to have had political 
affinities with M. Pould, and to be partial to him. He had 
on several occasions publicly expressed severe opinions as to 
the actions of the Direction-General of Public Surety. 
Ihese various circumstances had caused it to be considered 
useful to learn his private secrets, which were known to be 
of a delicate nature. This was brought about by means of 
his correspondence, which was, it is believed, given up by 
his own servant to the agents of the Ministry of the Interior/’ 

Report to the Emperor on M. Collet-Meygret, Director of 

Public Surety. 

[The following report was annexed to the preceding note, 
which it explains, and in some sort completes. It is im¬ 
portant and curious.] 

“ The Direction-General of Public Surety ought, in con¬ 
formity with the idea of its institution, to exercise the 
functions of police in the Empire and abroad, everywhere 
where there exist elements hostile to the Emperor. In 
reality this is done. It has no agents either in London 
or Jersey; neither are there any in Brussels, Holland, 
Switzerland, Piedmont, nor Spain, where may be found 
emigrants and exiles very bitter against the Empire. It has 
confined itself to the maintenance in London of two agents, 
who are well known to the refugees; one is connected 
with the metropolitan police, and the other is in business. 
The reports it receives are rare and worthless. 



90 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ At home it exercises the functions of police by means 
of the prefects and commissaries. The Prefect of Police 
alone gives any useful aid, and this functionary has extended 
his action and researches throughout the whole Empire, and 
has, with the knowledge of everyone, and with the tacit 
consent of the Minister of the Interior, taken the place of 
the Direction-General of Public Surety. To the Prefect of 
Police is due the knowledge of the existence of the secret 
societies discovered in 1856 at Niort, Saint-Etienne, 
Vienne, and Lyons. 

“ After having abandoned, from want of power to keep 
it, its natural domain, the Direction-General of Public 
Safety circumscribed its operations to a narrow sphere of 
researches for its own benefit. M. Collet-Meygret, a novice 
in the governmental world, not being able to take his place 
by right of conquest, set about making one for himself by 
seeking in the private life of rivals and superiors weapons to 
be turned against themselves. It was with this end that 
the opening of letters, apart altogether from official autho¬ 
risation, and the consent of the Postmaster-General, was 
carried on to an enormous extent. It has been already ex¬ 
plained how this operation was carried on. It was thus 
that the correspondence of Monsieur Fould and Monsieur 
Hyrvoix with their mistresses was obtained; as also that of 
M. de la Gueronniere, the Countess of Montebello (1), the 
Countess of Castiglione, and of many others. 

“ The French and foreign press has also been, in the 
hands of Monsieur Collet-Meygret, a personal means of 


(1) This time the name written by Napoleon in the preceding docu¬ 
ment is erased. 




ATTEMPT TO SUPPLANT M. IIAUSSMANN. 


91 


fortifying his position, by destroying the reputations of 
persons more influential and important than himself. The 
attacks made by the German and English press against 
Messieurs Morny, Fould, Magne, Rouher, Haussmann, 
Pereire, and even Billault, were frequently inspired by the 
Director-General of Public Safety, who furnished the 
subject for discussion. The struggle for influence and 
power, which was so violently carried on some fifteen 
months ago between M. Haussmann and M. Pietri, is fresh 
in the memory of all. M. Collet-Meygret endeavoured to 
induce M. Billault to sacrifice the Prefect of the Seine to 
the Prefect of Police. He frequently pointed out to Count 
Bacciochi the necessity of this step, and desired the attention 
of the Emperor to be called to it—indicating, at the same 
time, the person most capable of supplanting M. Haussmann 
—viz., himself. During this time, and in order the better 
to support his projects, M. Collet-Meygret caused an 
account of the conflict between the two prefects to be 
published by the German journals, and exhorted M. 
Billault to be firm. Other newspapers, assisting in the 
same object, asserted that M. Haussmann would soon come 
off the conflict advantageously, and that he would replace 
M. Billault at the Ministry of the Interior. The Parisian 
correspondence of the Times , inspired at the Ministry of the 
Interior, showed its sarcasms on the tone assumed by 
M. Haussmann with regard to the Minister of the Interior. 
For other motives, and in a totally different interest, M. 
Collet-Meygret caused severe attacks to be made on 
M. Pereire and the Credit Mobilier by the foreign press. 

“ Such is the use M. Collet-Meygret has made of the 
immense powers confided to him. It may be easily seen 


92 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

that the good of the State and the interest of the Emperor 
have not derived much benefit from them. These abuses, 
which, unfortunately, had become notorious, and the for¬ 
bearance of the Minister who tolerated them (knowing them 
to exist), together with the evident inaction of the Emperor, 
who could not put an end to them because he was ignorant 
of them, injured the reputation (1) of the Minister of the 
Interior. 

“ [Great numbers of Prefects, who ought to possess 
absolute confidence, guard, with respect to the Minister of 
the Interior, the most disquieting reserve ; they are cautious 
in their confidential reports; do not support or defend them 
when openly attacked; and very frequently join their com¬ 
plaints and recriminations to those of the public, who, it 
must be acknowledged, do not want for pretexts nor reasons 
for visiting the Minister with their reprobation.] (2) 

“ The office of M. Collet-Meygret became the rendezvous 
of men of all sorts and qualities. He himself may fre¬ 
quently be seen in places where the duties of his office do 
not call him. Here, in a few words, is an enumeration of 
the subjects he has treated and the relations he has enter¬ 
tained since he ceased to seriously exercise his functions:— 

“ Seyssel Asplialte — M. Place — M. Pereire. 

“In 1855, M. Collet-Meygret bought from M. Guerdon 
the mines of Seyssel-Volant and Pyrimont; he became a 
partner with the Brothers Beaudoin, and proposed to M. 
Pereire—already proprietor of asphalte in Piedmont—to 


(1) The words are written by Napoleon. 

(2) The lines between brackets are erased in the minute. 




M. COLLET-MEYGRET AND M. PEREIRE. 


93 


join their interests together. M. Place, who has since failed 
for an immense amount, was entrusted with the negotiation 
of the affair. 

“ Lighting by gas of the City of Paris. 

11 M. Billault charged M. Collet-Meygret (whom it did 
not in the least concern) to negotiate with Messieurs 
Pereire, Rothschild, and Marguerite, the new conditions 
which the Emperor intended to impose for the renewal of 
the privilege of lighting the city by gas. M. Collet-Mey¬ 
gret profited by this mission to claim by severity and menaces 
five hundred actions at the par price of the new emission, 
when the same bonds were being eagerly bought up at the 
Bourse at a premium of 611 francs. M. Pereire, indignant 
at the attitude assumed and the sharpness displayed by M. 
Collet-Meygret, refused to cede. M. Collet-Meygret then 
caused him to be violently attacked by the foreign press, and 
notably in the Times. Official intermediaries at length 
came to an understanding; the five hundred bonds de¬ 
manded were given by M. Marguerite, who received them 
for that purpose from M. Pereire. 

“ Relations with MM. Mires , Frost , and ATillaud. 

“ This incident caused a rupture in the relations between 
M. Pereire and M. Collet-Meygret. The banker made no 
mystery of the snare into which he had fallen, and the 
means by which he had afterwards escaped. M. Collet- 
Meygret then complained to Messieurs Mires and Prost, 
rivals and enemies of M. Pereire and the Credit Mobilier. 
The position of M. Mires, who is the proprietor of three 


94 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


journals, might easily have kept the relations between this 
banker and M. Oollet-Meygret secret, if the former (who 
enjoyed an unenviable reputation with the public) had not 
sought to hide himself under the protection of the latter. 
M. Mires’ perpetual boasting placed the public au courant 
to these relations ; and it is well known in Paris that, in 
the numerous financial enterprises undertaken by M. Mires, 
the Director-General of Public Safety received a fair share 
of encouragement from the banker’s funds. 

“ The journal ‘ La Verite j now the i Courrier de Paris? 

“ The iutimacy between these two men was manifested 
by the purchase of the journal La Verite. This paper was 
bought by M. Collet-Meygret in the month of June, 1856. 
The transaction was effected by M. Mauriro, an attache in 
the Bureau de la Presse, and enjoying the special confidence 
of M. Collet-Meygret. The property was acquired under 
the name of M. Bordot, his private secretary, who became 
the director of the paper. It was verbally agreed that 
Monsieur Mires should become half-proprietor of the journal; 
and he furnished the caution-money (50,000 francs— 
£2,000) on a simple receipt from M. Bordot. 

“ M. Collet-Meygret endeavoured by this operation to 
reinstate himself in the favours of M. de Morny—by in¬ 
direct means which were not likely to compromise him in 
the estimation of M. Billault. In consequence, he invited 
MM. Joachim Murat, Dalloz, and Dugas, deputies and 
aides-de-camp of Monsieur de Morny, to take 'Shares in the 
journal La Verite. These gentlemen refused to have any 
connection with M. Collet-Meygret; and the latter gentle¬ 
man immediately prepared for the sale of his journal, at an 


M. COLLET-MEYGRET AND “ LA VERITE.” 


95 


immense profit, to Monsieur Millaud, who consented to buy 
it on payment of a surplus of 300,000 francs (£12,000) on 
the purchase-money. The scandal caused by this trafficking, 
combined with the opposition of M. Mires—who was 
jealous that his rival, M. Millaud, should have a journal at 
his disposition—broke up the negotiations. 

“ M. Collet-Meygret then considered it advisable to pro¬ 
pose—by M. Auguste Chevalier, deputy—the cession of a 
considerable portion of his interest in the paper La Verite. 
M. Chevalier refused to accept the onus of an intermediary 
in the matter ; he also declined to attempt to bring about 
any reconciliation with M. Pereire—a reconciliation which 
M. Collet-Meygret greatly desired. Having failed in his 
third effort, M. Collet-Meygret formed a company, in order 
to bring out the paper La Verite. M. Mires was admitted 
as a shareholder in the name of one of his most trusty 
friends, and that of Mr. Stokes, banker, London, where he 
had been previously branded at the English Bar. The com¬ 
pany bore the title of ‘M. Bordot and Company.’ The docu¬ 
ment was drawn up by M. Dufaure, notary, Place de la 
Bourse, Paris. The company enjoyed but a short existence, 
and the journal was sold to Monsieur Prost, a banker of 
doubtful reputation, for the sum of 345,000 francs 
(£45,800), but on condition that the name of the journal 
should be changed to that of the Courrier de Paris. In the 
hands of M. Prost, the Courrier de Pans became an organ 
of the Democratic party. The principal editor is M. Felix 
Mornand, who has been the object of stringent measures con¬ 
nected with the law of Public Safety. The assistant editors 
are M. Charles Blanc, and his brother, M. Louis Blauc, 
correspondent in London. 


96 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ The Coal Mines of Graissessac. 

“ Monsieur Collet-Meygret, in company with M. Dardenne 
(of Toulouse), M. Moreau (of the Aube), M. Calvet-Rogniat, 
deputy, and others, bought, for 1,500,000 francs, the coal 
mines, called * le petit bassin de Graissessac/ shares in 
which were offered to the public to the amount of three 
millions of francs. The undertaking, commenced in the 
month of June last, was recently completed. The act of 
association was drawn up, and signed in the office of 
Monsieur Dufour, notary. M. Collet-Meygret was repre¬ 
sented by M. Platard, civil engineer. The interests of the 
Director-General in this operation were not foreign to the 
persistence he had shown in his determination to get rid of 
Monsieur Costa (Prefect of the Herault), who had not con¬ 
ducted himself satisfactorily towards M. Collet-Meygret in 
matters political. It is not intended to support M. Costa, 
who is totally unknown ; but we have been witnesses of 
the violent hostility evinced by M. Collet-Meygret towards 
this prefect—who was not worse than many others who are 
allowed to live in peace, because their removal would 
satisfy no personal interest—although the Emperor’s service 
in the departments ought to be confided to more worthy 
bauds.” 




M. GIRATJD AND M. COLLET-MEYGRET. 


97 


XIV. 

DUVERGIER’S REPORT ON OPENING OF 

LETTERS, &c. 

General Accusations against M. Collet-Meygret—Supervision of 
Correspondence ; M. Fould, Mme. Botti; Anonymous Letters; 
M. de la Gueronniere; Countess de Castiglione; H.M. the 
Emperor—Gas Company Shares—The journal La Verite —The 
Figaro and Mdlle. Berdalle—Brochure Dayet—Recriminations of 
M. Collet-Meygret. 

Report of M. Duvergier , ex-Secretary-General of the Prefecture 

of Police. 

[This report completes the documents which have already 
been published under the head of “ Opening of Letters.”] 

“ Monsieur le Ministre,—After having received from 
your Excellency the mission which the Emperor thought fit 
to confide to me, I immediately set about gathering such 
information and evidence as I considered likely to furnish a 
solution of the questions to which his Majesty’s attention 
had been called. 

“ The Keeper of the Seals, charged ad interim with the 
portfolio of the Interior, has sent me M. Giraud’s notes, and 
a pamphlet entitled ‘ Elections of 1857. If the Emperor 
Knew It,’ by Dayet. 

“ I thought that M. Giraud was the first person I ought 
to hear, before he completed the statement of facts, that he 
should furnish explanations and proofs, or at least indicate 
the sources from which they might be had. I wrote to 

H 


98 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

M. Giraud on the 30th of August; but he did not call upon 
me before the 4th of September. 

“ Before giving an account of my interview with him, 
and with the different persons whom I had called, I ought 
to explain how I proceeded with the investigations which I 
had undertaken, and in what manner I ascertained the 
results. 

“ As soon as the interrogatory of each of the persons 
whom I had heard was terminated, I wrote out at length 
what I had gathered, being desirous above all of being 
exact and complete. 

“ The ensemble of the depositions which I received, the 
information with which I was furnished, and the comparison 
of these different elements, gave me on certain points a 
perfect certitude, but still left doubts on others. 

“ I shall first bring under the Emperor’s notice, as 
succinctly as possible, an appreciation of all the facts which 
I studied ; I shall then reproduce the depositions which 
were made, together with the reflections suggested to me by 
them at the time they were received, giving them in their 
original form, which no doubt reveals the rapidity of an 
immediate drawing up, but which has the advantage of 
showing the impression of the moment, and the real sense 
of what I had gathered. The notes and explanations of 
M. Giraud present some general, and, consequently, vague, 
accusations; but they point out a great number of precise 
and determinate matters. 

“ General Accusations. 

“ The first, as M. Giraud himself admits, cannot be proved. 


COLLET-MEYGRET AND THE FOREIGN PRESS. 99 

Thus, according to him, the organisation of the Direction of 
Public Security is defective, and it prevents the institution 
from giving any good results. 

“ M. Collet-Mevgret was mixed up with numerous specu¬ 
lations, some of which are designated; he used his credit 
and authority for the success of financial operations in which 
he took part ; and he notably accorded to M. Mires and to 
his journals a protection which was neither just nor disin¬ 
terested ; he used means contrary to the public interest to 
have inserted in certain journals, and notably the Figaro , 
articles favourable to such and such a person. 

“ In his answers, M. Collet-Meygret opposes a denial to these 
general allegations. He seeks to justify the proceedings of 
the Direction at the head of which he was placed, by an 
expose of his personal views. 

£k I had no opinion to express on this delicate matter ; 
I simply had to endeavour to get at the truths from state¬ 
ments plainly made ; I had not to judge of the different 
theories on the organisation of the general police of the 
Empire. 

“ I limit myself to the statement that M. Collet-Meygret 
had frequent communications with the men most occupied 
in speculations—with Messrs. Mires, Millaud, Prost, Mar¬ 
guerite, &c.; and that, according to his own acknowledg¬ 
ment, he was engaged in a certain number of enterprises at 
the time that he was Director of the Ministry of the 
Interior. M. Giraud incriminates also the conduct of M. 
Collet-Meygret in his relations with the foreign press ; lie 
accuses him of having sent or inspired articles which 
attacked political personages, public functionaries, or 
financial companies (notably M. de Morny, M. lould, M. 


100 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


Magne, M. Roulier, M. Haussmann, M. Billault himself, the 
Credit Mobilier, and M. Emile Pereire). 

“ M. Collet-Meygret protests against these allegations, 
which are not accompanied by any proof. 


Supervision of Correspondence. 

(Opening of Letters.) 

1 (e The supervision of private correspondence, w’hich M. 
Giraud in his notes calls the opening of letters, is a point upon 
which he insists strongly ; and there he is very precise ; 
he names the agents employed in the service, which is 
directed by M. Saintomer; he cites several persons over 
w’hose correspondence this supervision has been exercised. 
They are M. Hyrvoix, the Countess de Castiglione, M. 
Fould, Mine. Botti, Mme. de Montebello, and M. de la 
Gueronniere. 

“ In two passages of his notes, M. Giraud says very clearly 
that the Director of Public Security had the culpable auda¬ 
city to cause the correspondence of the Emperor to be 
examined. 

“ At last he explains the motives for the seizure of the 
letters of M. Fould and M. de la Gueronniere. M. Collet- 
Meygret , he says, is on lad terms with M. Fould. It was, no 
doubt, with the view of procuring arms against him that the 
correspondence of Mme. Botti was read. Another passage is 
thus conceived : M. de la Gueronniere is considered as having 
political opinions similar to those of M. Fould. ... He 
had on several occasions expressed severe opinions on the 
Director-General of Public Surety. These different circum¬ 
stances caused it to be considered useful to become acquainted 


OPENING OF LETTERS. 


101 


with his private secrets , which were known to be of a delicate 
nature. It is certain that for a long time past a service 
charged with the supervision of private correspondence has 
been established at the Ministry of the Interior. M. Saint- 
omer has directed it for the last twenty-seven years. 

“ Under the Government of July the correspondence of 
the King with M. Guizot was, either by accident or design, 
intercepted. M. has acknowledged it. 

“ This service is capable of receiving different impulsions ; 
it may be directed into useful channels for the general 
safety, or it may be employed simply for the purpose of 
satisfying indiscreet curiosity or personal interests. 

“ The abusive extension and bad direction which this 
service had undergone, and which M. Giraud makes the 
principal ground of accusation against M. Collet-Meygret, 
is, on the contrary, attributed by M. Saintomer to M. 
Giraud. 

“ The correspondence of M. Ilyrvoix was seized. M. Saint¬ 
omer, M. Hyrvoix, and M. Collet-Meygret avow the fact; 
they explain it in the following manner :— 

“ During the stay of the Court at Compiegne some journals 
had published unseemly articles, and it was considered 
necessary to know the persons who furnished them with 
information. Letters bearing the Compiegne postmark were 
the objects of research, and amongst the number were those 
of M. Hyrvoix addressed to Mme. Bonnald. 

“ It is certain that M. Saintomer ought, with some few 
exceptions, only to look over such correspondence as is 
indicated to him. If, then, he looked over the correspon¬ 
dence of Mme. Botti, it is because the Administration ordered 
him to do so. Now, the Director, in giving him this 


102 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

mission, knew, as he himself admits, the relations of this 
lady with M. Fould ; he could not, therefore, have been 
surprised, as he pretended to be. Neither is it to be 
believed that it was the short Italian phrase, ‘ cara Pepita 
del mio cor/ that determined M. Saintomer to transmit the 
letter. He must have known, intelligent as he is, that these 
words did not conceal a plot. 

Anonymous Letters — M. Fould. 

“Anonymous letters were addressed to Mme. Fould, in 
which the pretended relations between her husband and 
Mme. Botti were revealed to her. These letters were 
shown by M. Fould to M. Collet-Meygret, whom he con¬ 
sulted as to the means of finding out the person by whom 
they were written. 

“ M. Collet-Meygret after having compared the hand¬ 
writing, evidently disguised, with that of M. Giraud, and 
that of a lady named Trablaine, who was formerly an agent 
of the Administration, came to the conclusion that it was 
either one or the other who had written these letters, or 
rather he pretends that it was M. Fould himself who had 
entertained that idea on comparing the handwritings. 

“ M. Giraud repels these suspicions by pointing out that, 
since he had quitted the Ministry, he had no means of pro¬ 
curing precise information as to the contents of the letters ; 
he throws back the accusation on M. Collet-Meygret. 

11. Fould — Mme. Botti. 

“ It was from the same motives, and equally uninten¬ 
tionally, that the note written by M. Fould to Mme. Botti 
was seized. M. Saintomer says that it was perhaps the 


M. FOULD AND MME. BOTTI. 


103 


Italian desinence of Mme. Botti’s name that attracted the 
attention of the agents. He affirms that he was entirely 
ignorant of any relations that might have existed between 
that lady and M. Fould; that he did not know M. Fould’s 
handwriting, and that if he considered it his duty to trans¬ 
mit the letter to the Direction of the Public Security, it was 
because it terminated in a few Italian words which he did 
not understand. 

“ As for M. Collet-Meygret, he said that as soon as he 
was aware that the letter was written by M. Fould, he 
ordered all supervision to cease. 

“ M. Giraud combats the explanation by saying that M. 
Collet-Meygret could not have recognised M. Fould’s hand¬ 
writing, as M. Saintomer never transmits the originals ; he 
copies the letters, and then has them forwarded to their des¬ 
tination. 

M. Fould . 

“ MM. Saintomer and Collet-Meygret acknowledged 
that this is how things went on. But M. Collet-Meygret 
pretended that he did not tell me, as I understood, that he 
had recognised M. Fould’s handwriting. I then asked him 
why he had fancied that this letter, unsigned, was from M. 
Fould. He replied that he knew that Mme. Botti was M. 
Fould’s mistress, and that on seeing the letter he had under¬ 
stood. This last reply did not appear to me to be satis¬ 
factory. 

“ In the first place, I do not believe I was mistaken in 
the sense of the first explanation which he gave me ; I 
plainly heard that it was the sight of the handwriting of the 
letter that had enabled him to recognise the author. In the 


104 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

second place, chance could not have had such a great in¬ 
fluence, as M. Saintomer pretends, on the direction com¬ 
mented to the researches and on their results. 

“ Both say that they had not the slightest interest in 
sowing discord in M. Fould’s domestic life; both maintain 
that it cannot be supposed that they wrote, or caused to be 
written, these anonymous letters with the odious idea of 
attributing them the one to the other. 

No light whatever has been thrown upon this subject, 
which remains enveloped in doubts. 

Monsieur de la Gueronniere. 

“ The supervision practised over the correspondence of 
M. de la Gueronniere is explained by M. Collet-Meygret in 
a very plausible manner. 

“ 4 A Madame de la -,’ he says, ‘ had succeeded in 

getting herself received at the Tuileries ; her means of 
existence appearing equivocal, the Duke de Bassano, or 
Count Tascher de la Pagerie, demanded of the Direction of 
Public Security information as to the antecedents and the 

situation of Mme. de la -. In the course of these 

researches the letters of M. de la Gueronniere were found.’ 

“It may be understood that in this case it was chance 
that brought to light letters which were not sought for. 

The Countess de Castiglione. 

“ In their first declarations, M. Saintomer and M. Collet- 
Meygret affirmed that no supervision was exercised over 
the correspondence of the Countess de Castiglione. They 
still persist in this; but they should, when I interrogated 
them, have anticipated a question which I did not ask, and 




THE COUNTESS DE CASTIOLIONE. 


105 


have told me that it was considered advisable to exercise a 
certain supervision over Mme. de Castiglione's house. This 
they did not do. 

44 I afterwards heard M. Laurot, a clerk in the Bureau 
of Public Security. 

44 M. Laurot declared to me that all the papers which 
were collected were carefully classified by himself, and even 
bound in green covers ; that they were folioed ; that several 
of these papers had disappeared ; that this disappearance is 
to be attributed to M. Giraud and his brother; that the 
voluminous brief of Mme. Trablaine, which had been put 
into the hands of M. Etnile Giraud (brother of M. Amedee 
Giraud) was not returned. He added that among the 
papers gathered and placed with the others were two notes 
relative to the Countess de Castiglione, one announcing her 
arrival, and the other her departure, and also a letter 
addressed to that lady. 

44 1 asked M. Laurot who that letter was from, and what 
it contained. He answered that he did not remember. 

44 M. Laurot’s tone, and the impartiality with which he 
stated what was favourable or unfavourable to M. Collet- 
Meygret and M. Giraud, leads me to believe in the sincerity 
of his declarations. 

44 M. Saintomer and M. Collet-Meygret, heard separately, 
could not deny the existence of two police notes. M. Saint¬ 
omer even told me that it was one Richard, his office-boy, 
who went to the Countess de Castiglione’s house, under 
pretence of offering wine which he was commissioned to 
sell. 

44 As for the letter, they persist in declaring, as I have 
already said, that they had never seen it, or at least that they 


106 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

have no recollection of it ; and M. Saintomer adds that he 
himself could not account for such forgetfulness; that he 
should have forgotten ten letters rather than one, because 
one single letter would more vividly have attracted his atten¬ 
tion ; in rhe last interrogatory he made the same statement. 

“ M. Collet-Meygret, on hearing of the declaration of 
M. Laurot, called upon him at his bureau; on quitting him 
he hastened to tell me that M. Laurot had no recollection of 
the existence of the letter. 

“ There could be no doubt—there was no doubt in my 
mind—as to what M. Laurot told me. I wrote out his 
deposition immediately. I asked him from whom the letter 
came, and what were its contents ; so he must have spoken 
of it. 

“ I had him recalled, and showed him his first declara¬ 
tion. He answered me that it contained the truth ; that at 
the sight of M. Collet-Meygret, to whom he owed his place, 
he had not the courage to tell him to his face anything that 
he supposed would be disagreeable to him. 

“ This moment of weakness on the part of M. Laurot— 
who, I repeat, appeared to me to be an honest man—esta¬ 
blishes more clearly than ever the fact that a letter addressed 
to the Countess de Castiglione was seized. It is certain that 
M. Saintomer knew it, for the letter must have passed through 
his hands. M. Collet-Meygret could not have been ignorant 
of it, for nobody would have thought of concealing the exist¬ 
ence of a letter which was, like all the others, classed in 
M. Laurot’s list. At least, this appears very suspicious. 

“ At present verification is impossible, as at the moment 
that M. Collet-Meygret quitted the Direction-General all 
the briefs were destroyed. 


OPENING THE EMPEROR’S LETTERS. 


107 


“ I should point out that M. Saintomer affirms that the 
order in obedience to which the two notes relative to Mme. 
de Castiglione were sent was given by M. Giraud. 
M. Giraud denies this. 

Correspondence of His Majesty the Emperor. 

“ The assertion of M. Giraud that the correspondence of 
the Emperor himself was not respected is not proved. M. 
Saintomer, M. Jugla, chef du bureau, M. Laurot, and M. 
Collet-Meygret all agree in saying that no letter was ever 
seen at the Direction-General. M. Giraud supposes that 
the attempts were without result. Such is the spirit of his 
notes and his declarations. In my last interview with him 
he told me that, in course of conversation, one day your 
Excellency had made this reflection :—‘In all this there 
have been none of the Emperor’s letters.’ 

“ I pointed out to M. Giraud that it was the first time he 
had brought your Excellency’s name into his allegations ; 
that he had not mentioned this reflection either in his 
written notes or in the long conversations we had had; 
that M. Collet-Meygret had spontaneously declared that he 
would have betrayed the Minister and the Emperor if the 
scrutiny of his Majesty’s letters were permitted; and that 
consequently it was impossible to admit the truth of what 
he had just said. 

“ To these observations he replied that the reflection 
indicated, on the part of the Minister, rather a feeling of 
satisfaction than regret. I insisted that a feeling either of 
satisfaction or regret went far to prove that a supervision of 
his Majesty’s letters had been established. M. Giraud did 
not reply. 


108 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMFIRE. 


Gas Company Shares. 

“ Another order of things is pointed out by M. Giraud. 
According to his notes, M. Collet-Meygret took advantage 
of the commission which had been given to him to negotiate 
with Messrs. Pereire, Rothschild, and Marguerite the affair 
of lighting by gas, to demand flatly and menacingly five hun¬ 
dred shares. It is difficult to conceive by what right M. 
Collet-Meygret could have made such a demand in an affair 
with which he had nothing to do, and in which he had no 
influence. 

“ I have learnt that M. Collet-Meygret was interested with 
M. Marguerite in a coal-mine. I made inquiries in order 
to find out whether this affair was not a ruse to disguise the 
affair of the gas shares. The information I received was 
entirely reassuring. The matter in question refers to a 
society formed for the purpose of working a coal mine 
situated in the basin of Graissessac. The affair has not 
commenced ; the shares are not quoted at the Bourse. The 
deed was received by M. Dufour, notary. The shareholders 
are M. Marguerite, senior; M. Marguerite, junior; the 
father-in-law of this latter, M. Moreau (of the Aube); M. 
Levy, judge at the Tribunal of Commerce; all enlightened 
and honourable men, neither easily deceived, nor disposed 
to lend themselves to a fraud. 

The Journal “ La Verite.” 

“The acquisition of the journal La Verite was made by 
M. Collet-Meygret, under the name of M. Bordot, in the 
month of July, 1856, for the sum of 120,000 francs ready 
money. M. Mires is interested in the affair. 


THE JOURNAL “ LA v£rit£.” 


109 


“ A short time after this acquisition, permission to sell the 
paper in the streets was granted to the director. 

“ This journal was afterwards re-sold, on the 23rd 
February, 1857, to M. Prost for 245,000 francs. 

“It has since that time been carried on in a spirit hostile 
to the Government. 

“ M. Giraud expected that M. Collet-Meygret would deny 
participation in the operation, and that he would endeavour 
to represent M. Bordot as the sole proprietor. M. Collet- 
Meygret did not, however, adopt these tactics. From the very 
opening of the conversation he distinctly acknowledged that 
the property had been acquired on his own account. Thus 
it is clear that he bought a political journal, representing 
his share as one-third, and having the direction of the press 
amongst his attributions. What was his intention ? He 
states that he never meditated making a speculation, or 
acquiring any personal political influence—that he wished 
to prevent the journal falling into the hands of M. Emile 
de Girardin—that he thought it would be of service to the 
Government to publish it, as an evening journal, at a very 
low price. He states that the great difference between the 
purchase-money and the price of its re-sale was absorbed 
b}' the enormous expenses required for the publication of a 
journal with only 3000 subscribers, and without advertise¬ 
ments ; by the indemnities which are always paid to the 
director and the employes; and, lastly, by the fees due to 
M. Dufour, notary. 

“ M. Bordot, the director, remitted to me, as a testimony 
to the truth of this assertion, a register, the accounts, several 
documents, and a memorandum. M. Collet-Meygret added 
that some of the members of the Legislative Body—espe- 


110 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

cially M. Dalloz aud M. Murat—whose patronage he had 
expected to obtain, had declined to accord it ; that the 
opposition which a low-priced paper would have offered to 
the Patrie was an obstacle to the execution of the project 
which he had conceived ; that he had not dreamt of re¬ 
maining the proprietor of the acquisition he had made ; that, 
first of all, he had endeavoured to form a society for the 
administration of the journal ; that, in the next place, he 
had opened negotiations with M. Millaud for its sale, but 
did not succeed ; that, especially, your Excellency refused 
to permit its sale to M. Millaud, because a portion of the 
price consisted of a part of the interest in the new journal, 
and that thus the equivocal position would be maintained ; 
that, in fine, your Excellency hastened to cede the journal 
to M. Prost, a college companion ; that, if authorisation was 
given to sell the paper iu the streets, it was because the de¬ 
mand made by the Abbe Migne had not encountered the least 
opposition on the part of the Prefect of Police, and would 
have been accorded to the proprietors of all newspapers ; 
that, if it was afterwards conducted in a spirit of opposition, 
M. Prost was not to blame, but M. Felix Mornaud, the 
principal editor ; that M. Prost, exercising the right which 
he had reserved to himself, dismissed M. Mornand, and 
installed him in the direction of the Courrier de Paris , a 
journal of much less hostile principles. 

“ It cannot be admitted that the desire only to 
prevent La Verite from falling into the enemy’s hands, and to 
establish a new organ favourable to the Government, should 
have induced M. Collet-Meygret to risk an important part 
of his fortune ; but it would be unjust to affirm that these 
sentiments did not influence his determination. Perhaps 


M. COLLET-MEYGRET AND THE GAS COMPANY. 11 1 


he was principally inspired by the hope of acquiring 
political power, and at the same time making an advan¬ 
tageous speculation. 

“ The books and accounts produced by M. Bordot prove 
that the expenses incurred or to be incurred considerably 
diminish the sum of 125,000 francs, which is the difference 
between the purchase-money and that of the sale ; but it is 
not established that this sum was entirely absorbed. Besides, 
if such were the case, it would only prove that the specula¬ 
tion had not succeeded—and not that the speculation had 
not taken place. The excuse thus put forward is not 
established; it is, without any doubt, untrue. 

“ M. Pereire, who is not animated with the best of 
dispositions towards M. Collet-Meygret, gives an account of 
an interview which he had with the latter in the bureaux of 
the Credit Mobilier, on the same day that the Council of 
the administration deliberated—not on the gas question, 
but on the question of a new emission of Credit Mobilier 
obligations. On this occasion M. Collet-Meygret made no 
demand; M. Pereire had, consequently, nothing to refuse. 
But the latter, expressing himself with extreme reserve, 
with marked repugnance, made it understood that the 
visit of M, Collet-Meygret had an interested motive. 
Pressed by a question, either in a first or second 
interview, M. Pereire, referring to a statement he had made 
to the Emperor, permitted it to be known that later M. 
Marguerite gave to M. Collet-Meygret, not 500, but 200 
actions of the Gas Company. Were these actions given as 
a present, or at par with the profit of the premium at which 
they were sold ? This is the fact I wished to know when 
I wished to call M. Marguerite, junior, whom I supposed 


112 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

au courant to his late father’s affairs. M. Pereire, to whom 
I communicated my iutention, dissuaded me ; he assured me 
that M. Marguerite, junior, was quite ignorant of the inten¬ 
tions of his father. I persisted ; and M. Marguerite answered 
to my invitation. He informed me that he was perfectly 
initiated in all the negotiations concerning the Gas Com¬ 
pany ; and he proved this by the account he gave me of the 
whole transaction—an account which is in perfect harmony 
with that of M. Pereire. He confessed that the actions 
were given in order to insure certain influences which were 
thought necessary, even amongst people accustomed to be 
near the Emperor; at the same time adding that the 
measures which had been employed had inspired hopes 
which had not been realised. He refused, notwithstanding 
my reiterated questions, to give more complete explanations ; 
but stated that he did not know—did not believe—that M. 
Collet-Meygret had received any actions. He added that 
he could not understand why any should be given to him. 
since he had no influence to exercise, and that nobody could 
suppose him to be interested in the matter. 

“Another person, whose evidence I have received (M. 
Auguste Chevalier), declared, in expressing his regret at 
being called in the inquiry, that he was a witness of the 
indignation of M. Pereire, the day after M. Collet-Meygret 
had demanded the actions. There is evidently some con¬ 
fusion here. M. Pereire might probably have alluded to 
the object M. Collet-Meygret had in view; but not to a 
demand which had never been made. Thus, so far as 
a formal demand is concerned — a demand accompanied 
with menaces —nothing of the sort took place. It 
is not clear that any subsequent secret delivery of actions 


THE “ FIGARO ” AND MDLLE. BERDALLE. 


113 


took place by M. Marguerite, senior, to M. Collet-Meygret. 
On the one side, the declarations of M. Pereire, however 
reticent, are of great weight. Those he made to the Em¬ 
peror appear to have been more explicit. How could any 
one suppose M. Pereire capable of making a calumnious 
allegation ? On the other side, M. Marguerite, senior, is 
positive ; and notwithstanding his relations with M. Collet- 
Meygret, his declaration possesses some authority. What 
has been said concerning the sale of the paper in the streets 
is exact. The spirit in which the Courrier de Paris was 
conducted since it became the property of M. Prost cannot 
be attributed to M. Collet-Meygret. When he sold it, he 
was induced to do so by his financial situation—by your 
Excellenc^s orders, in fact—was glad to accept the offer 
made him, without thinking or caring about what might 
become of the journal in the hands of its new proprietors. 
At the same time there was no reason to apprehend the 
slightest danger. 

O O 


The “ Figaro.” — Mdlle. Berdalle. 

“ On the reproach being made to M. Collet-Meygret of 
having coerced the Figaro in favour of Mdlle. Berdalle de 
la Pommeraye, he replied that the Figaro had praised 
Mdlle. Berdalle when she was at the Conservatoire (Academy 
of Music), and that he did not know her; that, later, when 
she made her debut at the Opera, the Figaro wrote strongly 
against her. It appears that it was Madame Billault who 
interested herself on behalf of Mdlle. Berdalle, whom she 
knew as a very worthy young person, deserving of en¬ 
couragement. 


i 


114 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


Brochure Dayet. 

“M. Collet-Meygret isnotmentioned in this pamphlet, which 
denounces the fact of the arbitrary suppression of the journal 
La Liherte , published at Lille by M. Dayet, in an excellent 
political spirit, and which was worth 300,000fr. (£12,000). 
The pamphlet adds that this act of spoliation was committed 
in order to advance the interests of an illiterate protege of the 
Press Bureau , who insured by the transaction an annual 
income of 15,000 francs (£600); that the Administration 
had so little complaint against M. Dayet, that he was 
retained as director of the newspaper founded to replace La 
Liberte. The responsibility of these facts, if they are true, 
would necessarily fall on M. Collet-Meygret. In refuting 
them, he replies :—That the journal of M. Dayet was con¬ 
ducted in a Legitimist and religious sense ; that it was 
under the patronage of M. Kolb-Bernard, the devoted leader 
of the Catholic party in the North ; that the Prefect and 
the Procuror-Imperial attached great importance to the 
suppression of the journal; that such suppression did not 
take place in virtue of the discretionary power confided to 
the Administration ; that it was the forced consequence of 
the application of Article 32 of the decree of the 17th 
February, 1852, after two condemnations ; that the Prefect 
had invited the assistance of the Director-General in the 
foundation of a new journal; that M. Lardiu, senior, who 
had been the editor of a journal at Lyons, and who was 
known to the Prefect, had been sent to Lille ; that he 
treated M. Dayet in a very conciliatory spirit, paid him an 
indemnity of 20,000 francs, and that he retained him as 
editor at a salary of 4000 francs (£160) a-year ; that M. 


BROCHURE DAYET. 


115 


Dayet, condemned on several occasions for acts of violence, 
was not a man to be recommended ; that he lost his posi¬ 
tion on the journal by the intervention of the Prefect; and 
that, in fact, the pamphlet he published was an electoral 
squib, in the interest of M, Brame, an Opposition candidate, 
for which the latter paid the sum of 3000 francs. 

“ M. Collet-Meygret produced some letters from the 
Prefect of the Nord, which justify (especially that of the 
10th February, 1854) what has been said concerning the 
suppression of the journal. All the other facts concerning 
this business are not so clearly established; but the sup¬ 
pression, which is the base of the accusation, not being open 
to serious incrimination, the responsibility of M. Collet- 
Meygret would not appear to me to be engaged, if, in the 
declarations he has made to me, he had not informed me 
that M. Lardin had no financial resources. It was thus 
necessary to inquire into the means he had employed to 
meet the expenses of a journal, and to pay indemnities to 
M. Dayet and others. M. Collet-Meygret informed me that 
he had caused tolerably pretty important sums to be advanced 
to M. Lardin ; that he had rendered himself responsible for 
the reimbursement of those sums ; and that, according to all 
appearances, he would still be obliged to pay from 35,000 
to 40,000 francs still due. This revelation created doubts 
as to the motives which M. Collet-Meygret could have had 
to act as he did. Had he carried zeal and disinterestedness 
to such a point as to venture his fortune or his credit in the 
public interest ? Had he, on the contrary, been emulated 
by feelings of ambition or speculation ? Such is the 
question, which does not appear capable of a solution 
favourable to M. Collet-Meygret. 

i 2 


116 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE, 






Recriminations of Mo Collet-Meygret. 


“In order to present a summary of the considerations 
which may attenuate, on the one hand, the character of the 
acts imputed to M. s Collet-Meygret, and, on the other, the 
confidence due to the testimony of M. Giraud, I think it 
necessary to say a few words concerning the recriminations 
of the former, and the replies of the latter. M. Collet- 
Meygret asserts that M. Giraud owes his position to him ; 
that he has shown him for a considerable time the most 
lively affection ; that he is culpable towards him of great 
ingratitude; that he was discharged from the Ministry 
beeause he neglected his duty ; that, after his departure, he 
revealed facts which had come under his observation whilst 
in the Ministry ; that he denounced acts which he had pre¬ 
viously promoted; that, especially, he had taken an active 
part in the editorship of the Verite ; that he was interested 
in the speculation to an important extent; that afterwards 
he wished to withdraw his capital; that, in fact, he with¬ 
drew it, as shown by a receipt in full for 4,000 francs. 

“ M. Giraud replied that he had been the friend of M. 
Collet-Meygret, but that, having been sacrificed by him 
(sold ?) he used reprisals; that, if he had taken part in acts 
which he condemns, he only obeyed the orders of his supe¬ 
riors ; that, in speaking of the actions of the Gas Company 
given to M. Collet-Meygret, he only repeated what public 
rumour had already revealed ; that he desired above all to 
refute the accusations of corruption which were made against 
the whole of the personnel of the Direction of Public Safety ; 
that he had contributed to the Verite the information which 
was given to all the other journals ; that he was not at all 









RECRIMINATIONS AND EXPLANATIONS. 


117 


interested in the enterprise ; that he only lent money which 
he afterwards obtained with considerable difficulty ; that he 
never exposed the secrets of the Administration ; that he 
even refused to reveal them to M. de Persigny; that it was 
only to the Emperor, and on his Majesty's order, that he 
told what he knew. 

“ These explanations possess only a secondary interest ; 
but I have not thought it my duty to pass them over in 
silence. The Emperor, in his wisdom, will appreciate the 
influence they are capable of exercising on the events which 
have been the object of my investigations. 

“ I should have wished M. le Ministre to have completely 
cleared up everything which still remains doubtful, and I 
have asked myself if, in order to do so, I ought to make 
renewed efforts, and to call before me as witnesses the sub¬ 
alterns, the letter-carriers, the concierges (porters), desig¬ 
nated by M. Giraud. After mature reflection, I have de¬ 
cided not to to adopt this means, which would have deprived 
the inquiry of its confidential character; besides, with 
people of consideration and importance, a magistrate only, 
armed with a menacing authority, can exercise his influence. 
If, in conclusion, the position of the subalterns is fairly con¬ 
sidered, the profound conviction is that their depositions 
are so evasive that the real truth cannot be obtained. 
Besides, their revelations could not expose secrets to which 
they have not hitherto been initiated. 

“ I therefore transmit to you the result of my investiga¬ 
tions, regretting, at the same time, that on some points 
they cannot be of more service. 

“ I pray your Excellency to accept the homage of my 
profound respect. “ V. H. Duvergier. 

“Oct. 12, 18G7.” 


118 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


XV. 

EOUHER’S PERSONAL REPORT TO THE 
EMPEROR, 1867 TO 1870. 


Memorandum on the choice of a Minister of the Interior—First 
Presidents and Procurors-General—Prefects—Council of State— 
Legislative Body—Senate—Propositions of promotion in the 
Legion of Honour. 

(38.) 

“ Ministry of State, 

“ Cabinet of the Minister. 

“ Memorandum for the Emperor. 

“ The choice of a Minister of the Interior is, at all times, 
a difficult and important matter; but under the present 
circumstances the appointment possesses an importance 
quite exceptional. In fact, the new Minister will be called 
upon to take an active part in the discussions of the Legis¬ 
lative Body; he ought to organise the defence of the 
Government in respect of the new regime of the press—to 
direct, in fine, the general elections for the renewal of the 
Chamber. These numerous responsibilities will require 
great aptitude ; the new Minister will be required to add to 
great quickness a readiness and dexterity of speech, and a 
perfectly clear explanation of Empire politics, in order to 
determine the direction to be taken by the semi-official press, 


CHOICE OF A MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR. 119 


and to rectify the false statements of the Opposition press by 
communiques. This part of his attributions will necessitate 
the most vigilant attention and the most prolonged applica¬ 
tion. In fine, in the difficult art of managing such an 
administration—an art which is absolutely necessary in such 
a department—he ought to act with great firmness, either by 
eliminating from the Prefectoral Administration those who 
are incapable of or inadequate to their work, and replacing 
them by men intelligent and serious; or by keeping from 
the electoral urn the votes of those who have exaggerated 
pretensions—miserable parasites—and to render the urn 
accessible only to the real influences existing in each 
department. 

“ In presence of a programme the accomplishment of 
which is so difficult, it is essential, in considering the report 
submitted to your Majesty, to put aside all party feeling, 
all ideas of preference. Necessary though it be to preserve 
to the Ministry its freedom of action and its homogeneity, in 
excluding from it contradictory and discordant elements, it 
is equally necessary to look for strength in the fusion and 
conciliation of different shades of opinion, especially if it is 
possible to secure a Minister who has already given proof of 
his influence and authority. The post of Minister of the 
Interior is in fact a very delicate one for a debutant. 

“ It is with a peculiarly business object that I have recon¬ 
sidered all the names comprised in the great bodies of the 
State, and of the high functionaries of the Administration, 
and of the department of Justice. I will therefore review 
the names of all the personages who appear to me eligible, 
and will report to your Majesty what I think of each. 


120 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“First Presidents and Procurors-General. 

“ Amongst these magistrates the greater portion have 
pursued a career exclusively judicial, and concentrated their 
efforts on the study of the law. Already arrived at a 
mature age, it would be with great difficulty that they could 
conform themselves to the necessities of a new career, and 
enter upon their duties with the vigour required. One only 
amongst them appears to me to have revealed the qualifica¬ 
tion and political knowledge necessary in the emergency— 
it is Monsieur Millevoye, Procuror-General at Rouen. He 
is an astute observer of events and of men. Weaknesses 
of character are attributed to him, especially that of dupli¬ 
city : these imputations have exposed him to much abuse. 
Where lies the truth? I cannot say with certitude. 

“ Prefects. 

“ The Emperor has put on one side the candidatures of 
Prefects, because the Prefect of the Seine would consider 
himself greatly humiliated if a Prefect of one of the depart¬ 
ments of France were placed at the head of the Ministry of 
the Interior. But, before adhering to this objection, it is 
necessary to inquire whether the candidature of M. Hauss- 
mann should not be accepted. It is quite unnecessary to 
offer here any appreciation of the usefulness of this 
functionary. Your Majesty is better acquainted with it 
than myself, tie is great in every way—in good and bad 
qualities ; but he possesses an incontestible superiority over 
others, and knows how to defend his policy in the Chambers. 
This choice, therefore, appears to be logical, but under two 
conditions, which I will explain :—1st. Would he undertake 


MM. PI^TRI, LEROY, AND CHEVREAU. 121 

to carry out the programme adopted a few days ago by 
jour Majesty at Biarritz ? and, 2nd. Would he renounce 
the administration of the department of the Seine, without, 
being permitted to transfer his functions to some person 
who enjoyed his confidence? The Emperor ought not to 
lose sight of the fact that, in order to place the administra¬ 
tion of the department of the Seine under the authority of 
a Ministry, a law would be required to be passed to that 
effect. Now, legislation in private interests would, at this 
moment, have but little chance of success. 

“ If, from considerations easily understood, the Prefect 
of the Seine decided to maintain his position, your Majesty 
would be free from any preoccupation as to the caudidateships 
of other Prefects. In that case, three names are eligible : 
MM. Pietri, Leroy, and Chevreau. 

“ The Emperor knows better than I do that the Prefect 
of Police at present in office is honest, intelligent, and 
devoted. He is faithful in the greatest acceptation of the 
term. He would bring to the Administration of the 
Interior all the laborious attention, all the experience, 
necessary. The only scruple I feel with respect to this 
choice, and which it is necessary that the candidate should 
either confirm or cause to disappear, is whether he is com¬ 
petent to undertake the duties of such an arduous office, 
and to confront the polemics of a debative assembly. 

“Baron Leroy possesses all the exterior appearances, all 
the administrative authority, necessary to a Minister of the 
Interior; and he is further endowed with a facility of 
elocution and speech which would cause him to become 
what the English call a great ‘ debater.'' 

“But he is reproached with having a weak character, and 


122 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

a sort of political scepticism. Is this double accusation 
well founded ? I only know M. Leroy very distantly; but 
he is evidently a man of ripe experience, who has never 
hitherto imparted exalted or exaggerated proportions to 
his devotion to the Empire. But he has now been many 
years the Prefect of the Seine-Inferieure; he has been con¬ 
stantly placed between two parties—the class of Socialists 
always to be found amongst an agglomeration of workmen, and 
the ardent Protectionists of blind and selfish tradesmen— 
and he has upheld worthily the influence of the Government. 
In exercising functions under which many give way, he has 
constantly and gradually fortified his position. Are not 
these sufficiently serious guarantees? 

“Monsieur Chevreau on many occasions has made 
speeches remarkable from a political point of view—speeches 
which indicate that he is peculiarly adapted to Parliamen¬ 
tary strife. But is this all that is necessary? Would M. 
Chevreau apply himself sufficiently to the hard work and 
constant vigilance necessary for the adequate surveillance of 
the press ? Of easy disposition, connected in Paris with 
members of political parties the most violently opposed to 
each other, he is always liable to be led astray; the odor 
della feminitd is too strong for him ; and his administration 
is often a series of alternatives, of excesses, of devotion and 
indifference. At Lyons, in the midst of amiable qualities 
and gracious forms, his inconsistency of conduct and 
administration was well known ; and I believe him to be as 
utterly powerless there as he was at Nantes before he left 
for Lyons. 


MM. DE LAVENAY AND GENTEUR. 


123 


“ Council of State. 


“ We will now examine th q personnel of the great bodies 
of the State. I only see in the Council of State the 
following names capable of recommendation :— 

MM. Vuitry, MM. De Parieu, 

Duvergier, De Lavenay, 

Riche, Genteur, 

Pinard, Jolibois. 

The first would consent to any change but with the greatest 
displeasure ; and there is no reason for forcing any change 
upon him. The second does not, in the smallest degree, 
possess the conditions of character necessary for the 
discharge of such functions. The third is already seventy- 
four years of age, and could not possibly undertake the 
responsibilities of such an arduous career. M. de Lavenay 
is a very capable man, and possesses oratorical talent and a 
love of work. In such a post he would exercise great 
activity. The only faults to be reproached to him are that 
his orders are too stiff and unmeaning, and his voice is of 
such a screaming quality as to produce a very bad impres¬ 
sion. 


“ M. Genteur, whose debut in the Legislative Body was 
very favourable, has acquired a still greater reputatation 
in the Senate. At the same time it must not be for¬ 
gotten that his conduct has not realised all the hopes 
entertained of him on his first entrance into public life. A 
distinguished orator, handling his subject ably, he is some¬ 
what superficial, and not always lucid in his expressions— 
does not, in fact, make use of tactics employed by more 
experienced men, and leaves the tribune without having 


124 TFE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

convinced his audience. It must be remembered, however, 
that he had undertaken a heavy task—the defence of the 
City of Paris—and received little or no assistance of any 
value from his colleague, M. Blanche. If his character is 
considered, his expressions are not precise ; and he reveals 
an agitation and movement, alternately opposed, which are 
the indications of a want of resolution and firmness. 

“ M. Pinard, whose antecedents are exclusively judicial, 
has the reputation of being a logical orator in court; he 
has already given striking proofs of his capacity in the 
Council of State. Up to the present time he has not had 
occasion to establish a reputation in the Legislative Body. 
As- he is now the reporter on the new Press Law, he will 
shortly be able to defend the measure with all his oratorical 
force. Would it be wise to discount such a success by 
confiding to M. Pinard the Ministry of the Interior ? In a 
debating point of view, I would not hesitate to suggest such 
a choice ; but is this the only question to be considered? 
The more I have reflected, the more I have found myself, 
under the Second Empire, with a double preoccupation. 
On the one hand, to place a man, still young, at the head of 
an Administration, amidst a j)erso?inel, to perform duties of 
which he is completely ignorant; to expose him to the ill- 
suppressed antagonism which his judicial origin would 
excite amongst the great proportion of Prefects ; to engage 
him in the front rank, and with only a few days’ preparation, 
in a most important and difficult session, before his moral 
force has taken consistence and development—would it not 
rather be his destruction than the establishment of his 
reputation ? On the other hand, those whom one might 
suppose have been consulted on the advisability of such an 


MM. PINARD AND J0L1B0I9. 


125 


important appointment may, very naturally, be accused of 
having sought, in the midst of the Council of State, an 
inexperienced person, subjected to their authority, and more 
sensitive of their influence. Will not the critics, who 
cannot understand anything but the desire to serve well the 
person to whom one owes devotion, say that M. Pinard has 
only been appointed to the Ministry ostensibly, in order the 
better to exercise personal power? This appreciation will 
be entertained with all the more readiness that, in awakening 
susceptibilities, it may be hoped to rally the dissentients. 

“ Now, if I think there is some risk in the appointment 
of M. Pinard ; if 1 think that, in the Ministry of the 
Interior, less, perhaps, than in any other Ministerial depart¬ 
ment, such risks ought to be ventured, I do not in the least 
undervalue the merits of the candidate, nor the possibility of 
his success. I am convinced that, in following a less 
dangerous path—a path less graduated—in keeping himself 
aloof from the administration for which, it is generally 
understood, he has little affection—he might very rapidly 
assume a great position in the Council of State, and after¬ 
wards in the political world. 

“ M. Jolibois is still too new to the Council of State and 
to the Legislative Body to be justly appreciated. His 
entrance into public life was almost a triumph, but the 
affair of Toulouse is quite of secondary importance. Some 
time must elapse ere it will be prudent to judge of his 
conduct and his talent. 

“ Legislative Body. 

“To take the Minister of the Interior from the arena of 
the Legislative Body would be to render immense satisfac- 


126 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


tion to the Chamber—on the condition, however, of 
appointing a member approved of by the majority. The 
satisfaction thus obtained would, however, be rather 
political than effective ; for, in this nest of hidden and con¬ 
tradictory ambitions, the choice of such or such a deputy 
would very soon create a formidable party against him of all 
the aspirants to office, whose programme is generally thus 
conceived : ‘ I, or no one of my party ! ’ 

“ I may add that, on the grounds of reciprocal control, 
the shades of political opinion immediately assume enormous 
proportions, and become causes of adherence or of disinteg¬ 
ration in the midst of the majority itself. 

“ Having made these observations, I proceed to give your 
Majesty an alphabetical list of those names which, in a more 
or less marked degree, might attract your attention :— 


MM. De Beauverger 
Buffet 

Baron Jerome David 

Gressier 

Mathieu 

Segris 


MM. De Benoist 

Busson-Billault 
Du Miral 
Alfred Le Roux 
Ollivier 
De Talhouet 


In considering with impartiality each of these names, I 
am disposed to think that, from an exclusive point of 
view, only the following candidatures are eligible—those of 
MM. Buffet, Alfred le Roux, Ollivier, and Segris. 

“ M. Buffet is a doctrinaire; but, at the same time, 
undecided, who will never surrender himself entirely, who 
will form part of a Ministerial combination, like M. Ollivier, 
with perfectly understood conditions, and a programme as 
to the treatment of passing events and individuals. The 
first article of this programme would be the withdrawal of 







ollivier’s hostility to rouher. 


127 


the law concerning the army. We have not, to my know¬ 
ledge, yet arrived at this stage of the Parliamentary regime , 
and I should be greatly astonished if the Emperor were to 
allow himself to be tricked by such a measure. 

“ M. Alfred le Roux has frequently been the subject of 
conversation between your Majesty and myself. We have 
often weighed his good and bad qualities ; it is useless to 
summarise them here. Most assuredly he would be well 
received by the majority, the greater portion of whom 
would be gratified to witness the efficacy of official can- 
didateships. 

“ M. Emile Ollivier has more dash than M. Buffet—he 
would apply himself with more earnestness—but to what 
changes would such a versatile character be subjected : a 
character whose generosity is abused by an unfortunate 
infatuation, and in which so many foreign relations are united 
with political shades of very hostile and advanced character. 

I am not prepared to appreciate formally such a candidature. 
Far from following the advice I gave him, at the Emperor’s 
instigation—to keep himself on good terms with the majo¬ 
rity by a frank exposition of his line of policy—M. Emile 
Olliver has more than ever favoured M. Walewski’s hostile 
attitude towards me. He has chosen me as the object of 
his personal attacks in the Chamber, whilst the former Pre¬ 
sident of the Legislative Body has organised my systematic 
abuse in a daily paper. I am aware that these are only 
conflagrations of straw, which, of course, may easily extin¬ 
guish certain gratifications ; but, at the present moment, 
things have arrived at such a point that questions of 
persons have become questions of political direction, and in 
future must be inspired by the intimate sentiments of the 
Emperor. 


128 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ As for M. Segris, his nomination would give little satis¬ 
faction to the majority, but this feeling would very soon 
disappear. This deputy possesses the talent of speech—he 
replies with vigour—but would he be sufficiently resolute in 
the conduct of public affairs ? It is generally thought so. I 
find that I have omitted to speak of M. Latour du Moulin. 
1 beg the Emperor to believe that this omission was not the 
result of jealousy, but I confess that the work I have under¬ 
taken has the appearance of becoming very serious. 

“ Senate. 

t 

“ Let us now enter into the ccenaculum of the ancients, 
and see if we shall be fortunate enough to find a single man. 
The composition of the Senate presents a •pleiade of former 
Ministers, either of the Interior or of other civil depart¬ 
ments, outside of which scarcely two or three enjoying 
any notoriety in a Ministerial point of view. The former 
Ministers are M. Ferdinand Barrot, M. Bonjean, M. Boudet, 
M. Casabianca, M. de Chasseloup-Laubat, M. Belangle, M. 
Drouyn de Lhuys, M. Dumas, M. de la Hitte, M. Lefevre- 
Durufle, M. Magne, M. de Maupas, M. de Padoue, M. de 
Persigny, M. Rouland, M. de Royer, M. Walewski. The 
only names to be cited, in addition to these, are M. de la 
• Gueronniere, M. Devienne, and M. Vuillefroy. If I do not 
mistake, amongst the former Ministers whose names I have 
mentioned, four only could attract the attention of the 
Emperor—viz., M. de Persigny, M. Walewski, M. de 
Royer, and M. Magne. The nomination of one of the two 
first-named would be difficult to explain excepting by a 
thorough change in political views. In any case, it would 
introduce inevitable elements of trouble and discord into the 


M. MAGNE PREFERRED. 


129 


composition of the Ministry. The choice of M. de Royer 
would involve none of these inconveniences. The First 
President of the Court of Accounts is entirely devoted. He 
possesses the talent necessary for discussion and for defending 
himself. But he is dilatory in his work, is extremely 
fastidious, and, I hear, would be soon overpowered by the 
daily work of the Interior, which it is impossible to allow to 
lay over to the morrow. 

“ M. Magne would enjoy all my preferences ; speech calm, 
clear, limpid, often ingenious; judgment of great assurance ; 
moderate in his ideas, liberal-conservative with prudence, 
he would discharge the duties of his office with that autho¬ 
rity which can only be acquired by a long political career. 
Sharing his affections amongst that group only which is at 
the head of affairs, he would introduce into the Council 
different ideas ; he would impose reserve on certain ardent 
hostilities ; in fine, he would bring to the Emperor new 
guarantees of exactitude, of truth, of a thorough control for 
the exercise of the high direction and of the Government 
of the Chief of the State. He may, probably, be accused of 
a certain weakness of character and a little nepotism. I 
should only fear the justice of the first reproach in case of 
an emeute; and in that case the question would become a 
militarv one. As to the somewhat exaggerations of his 
nepotism, I believe the matter exhausted, and, in conse¬ 
quence, that very rare occasions will present themselves for 
such practices in future. 

“With respect to the other Senators whose names I have 
mentioned, here is my opinion. M. de la Gueronniere does 
not appear to me to possess the qualifications necessary for 
a Minister of the Interior. He would have dangerous 

Iv 


130 TI1E SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

friends in the press; he would endeavour to engage their 
interests ; but, on the one hand, he would not succeed, 
whilst, on the other, he would make most dangerous 
sacrifices to do so. At the same time, during 
the past fifteen days, his candidature has been 
favourably mentioned by several persons; M. de la 
Gueronniere has serious thoughts of accepting it ; the 
nomination of another persouage will be a deception to 
him ; and, in the end, such deception might be the cause 
of the loss of the sympathy hitherto accorded by the journal 
La France . We are not rich in official defenders, and it is 
our own interest not to run the risk of losing them. From 
that time we should be reduced to those transactional compo¬ 
sitions which are often the condition of existence of 
Parliamentary Governments. It would, therefore, appear 
necessary to create a position for M. de la Gueronniere; 
and, as his fortune is in disorder, it would be well, perhaps, 
to send him on a mission to a foreign country. Would he 
not be a useful substitute to M. de Malaret, with the object 
of raising the legation to an Embassy sooner or later ? 
Since I touch incidentally on the question of our represen¬ 
tation abroad, allow me to keep the matter open a time 
longer, and to remind the Emperor of certain considera¬ 
tions which I have already had the honour of submitting to 
him. 

“ Nothing could be more regrettable than to leave in Paris, 
without appointments, illustrious political men, from whom 
your Majesty felt yourself compelled to withdraw, at least for 
some time, your confidence, and to release them from their 
high functions. Actuated by foreign influences, or giving 
way to a natural bent of character, these men, desirous of 


TWO MINISTERS OF WAR IN PARIS. 


131 


re-entering into political life, would be likely to make use of 
harsh insinuations, bitter criticisms, form, or allow to be 
formed around them, the strangest coalitions, keep 
up thus a state of trouble aud uncertainty in the 
ranks of the Administration, not without serious 
injury to the Chief of the State. These accusations of 
weakness of character, absence of energy and decision, 
originate, for the most part, in perpetually disappointed 
hopes, and in changes both in persons and ideas. It is only 
by these hopes that relations with journals of every colour, 
and with persons of no colour at all, could be sustained. 
All this only produces indecision, uneasiness, and dis¬ 
quietude. I may add that the appointment to high diplo¬ 
matic offices of eminent men to whom I have alluded 
would be a safeguard against themselves even ; because they 
attenuate, by their actual agitations, and the solidarity which 
exists amongst them, the utility of the services which they 
might be able to render at a given time. Besides, our 
diplomatic force is weakest at Rome, St. Petersburg, and 
Madrid. To impart to it greater vitality, a more distinctly 
marked action in presence of existing European complica¬ 
tions, would be to perform an act of real utility. I will 
only cite one example of this dissolving action, of which I 
have only recently been made aware. It will strike the 
Emperor by the gravity of the inconveniences—I would 
almost say, the perils—which might follow as a consequence. 
There are, in reality, two Ministers of War in Paris—one 
in the Rue St. Dominique, the other at the Louvre ; one 
who acts and works, the other who finds fault and dis¬ 
organises everything. The superior officers are perpetually 
endeavouring to find out which — between these two 

k 2 


132 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

influences—is the one most likely to favour their promo¬ 
tion. All the discontent emanated from the Louvre ; and 
there the stereotyped expression for the non-reception of 
a candidate from the Rue St. Dominique is the following :— 
‘An officer not devoted,’ ‘an Orleanist,’ Sec. How many 
errors, hatreds, irritations, and cases of indiscipline may be 
engendered by the influences of this little church, of which 
the high priest is constantly predicting the advent. 

“Let the Emperor direct his attention to all these things ; 
they are secondary only in their appearance. It is, above 
all, by interior discipline that Governments maintain and 
fortify themselves. It is an illusion to hope to appease or 
reconcile one’s adversaries ; but they are certain of being 
vanquished to cause the energetic convergence of the 
Government forces. 

“ M. Devienne is gifted with a certain austerity of charac¬ 
ter ; he is firm and energetic ; but his health is breaking, and 
age is beginning to make itself felt. I am not sure if it is 
not too late now to appoint this man, eminent withal, to a 
new career. 

“ M. Yuillefroy is somewhat similarly circumstanced. He 
is a man of character ; he has upright ideas, is impetuous, 
and does not want in energy. But he suffers from a disease 
of some gravity, which serious application to work might 
increase. Besides, I doubt whether he would undertake the 
task. 

“I summarise this memorandum by simply adding a 
list of candidates who stand first in my appreciations :— 

1st. M. Magne. oth. M. de Royer. 

2nd. M. Haussmann. 6th. M. Alfred Le Roux. 

3rd. M. Pietri. 7th. M. Pinard. 

4th. M Lerov. 

•/ 


THE LEGION OF HONOUR. 


133 


“ I maintain, at the same time, the conditions and reserves 
which I have enumerated with respect to MM. Haussman 
and Pietri. 

“ (Signed) Rouher. 

“ Cernay, Oct. 15, 1867.” 


(39.) 

[The subjoined documents were found at the Ministry of 
Justice. They relate to the propositions of promotion in 
the Legion of Honour in favour of different members of the 
Senate made, on the occasion of the Emperor’s fete day on the 
15th of August, 1870, by M. Rouher, President of the 
Upper Chamber. It does not appear that these recom¬ 
mendations were effectual. To these documents is added a 
proposition for the Cross of Commander in favour of M. 
Argence, Deputy for the Aube.] 

“ Monsieur le Ministre,— 

“I have the honour to forward you several docu¬ 
ments which resume my opinion on the candidature and the 
titles of some of my colleagues to promotion in the Order 
of the Legion of Honour. I hope that you will recognise 
as just, and that you will submit, at the same time recom¬ 
mending, these different propositions to the high apprecia¬ 
tion of her Majesty the Empress. The last memorandum 
explains the titles of two employes of the Senate, whom the 
Grand Referendary and the Secretary of the Senate con¬ 
sider as worthy, both one and the other, of honourable dis¬ 
tinction.—Believe, Monsieur le Garde des Sceaux, in the 
assurance of my sentiments of high consideration. 

“ The President of the Senate, 

“ (Signed) 


Rouher.” 



134 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ A .—Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour. 

il MM. Baron Dupin, Baron Ernest Leroy, Count de 
Bearn, Larabit, appearing to aspire to this high distinction. 

“ Baron Dupin, aged eighty-five, retains all his vigour of 
intellect, and still takes a useful part in the discussions of 
the Senate. His long political career, his immense works, 
the well-merited consideration which he enjoys, the elevation 
of his name, appear to me to justify his nomination. 

“ The Marquis d’Audrifiret was recently named Grand 
Cross of the Legion of Honour. The career of this honour¬ 
able senator has been, in my esteem, less brilliant, and 
perhaps less well carried out than that of M. Dupin. The 
distinction accorded to M. d’Audrifiret was favourably 
received by the Senate, in which body he occupies a high 
position. Baron Leroy, cruelly visited with family bereave¬ 
ment, appears to be disposed to abandon very soon his posi¬ 
tion of Prefect of the Seine-Inferieure. Perhaps this would 
be the moment the most opportune for according to him the 
recompense which he seeks to obtain. 

“ Count Bearn, by his distinguished manners, the eleva¬ 
tion of his character, and the safety of his relations, has 
elicited from the Senate the most lively sympathies. At the 
same time I ought to mention that the Count is not one of 
those who take a very active part in the labours of the 
Senate. Our colleague, for a great number of years, be¬ 
longed to the field of diplomacy, and he invokes the services 
he rendered whilst discharging such functions. I possess 
no information to enable me to appreciate his claims. 
M. de Bearn has not, I believe, occupied the post of 
ambassador. 


“ (Signed) 


Bouher.” 


M. DE SAINT-ARNAUD’s CA.SE. 


135 


“ B .—Grand Officers. 

“ The number of Commanders of the Order in the Senate 
:s not less than thirty. I ought to designate, in the first 
place, as worthy of being promoted to the grade of Grand 
Officer in the Legion of Honour, M. Leroy de Saint- Arnaud, 
Commander since 1859. This nomination would assuredly 
have been recommended, some years ago, by M. Troplong; 
but certain embarrassments of fortune—the cause of which 
was, however, honourable : a suit respecting his respon¬ 
sibility, which M. de Saint-Arnaud lost before the Tribunal 
of First Instance—appeared to my illustrious predecessor a 
sufficient cause for adjournment. This cause has since been 
been greatly extenuated or has entirely disappeared ; our 
colleague has now resumed his former position—he has 
been discharged, by the Court of Appeal, from the penalties 
pronounced against him by the Tribunal of Commerce (1). 
His titles as a Senator, therefore, maintain all their force. 
Now, M. de Saint-Arnaud is one of the most laborious men 
in the Senate ; he is indefatigable in his examination of, 
and reports on, petitions; his works are remarkable ; and 
he is an able orator. His nomination to the grade of Grand 
Officer will be considered by the Senate as a just, if tardy, 
recompense for his eminent services. 

“ In the second place might figure M. Reveil, former 
Vice-President of the Legislative Bodv, Commander since 
1859 ; Senator since. M. Reveil enjoys great consideration 
amongst his colleagues ; his works are esteemed. 

c - (Signed) Rouher.” 

(1.) M. Rouher appears to ignore in this document that the judg¬ 
ment of the Court of Appeal which discharges M. de Saint-Arnaud is 
appealed against before the Court of Cassation ; and that the appeal 
has not yet been heard. 



136 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ C.— Commanders. 

“There are nine Officers of the Legion of Honour in the 
Senate. The three senators who have had this grade the 
longest are :—Count Monier de la Sizeranne, appointed 18th 
December, 1855 ; the Duke de Tarente, officer since June 
16th, 185G ; and M. de Gricourt, whose nomination dates 
from the 5th January, 1858. M. de la Sizeranne is the 
one who, by his long political career, possesses the greatest 
claims to the promotion to the grade of Commander. Tbe 
Duke de Tarente was named Senator too recently. If he 
possessed any title to promotion in the Legion, it could 
only be as Chamberlain. M. de Gricourt recommends him¬ 
self by his absolute devotion to the Emperor—a devotion 
which dates many years previously to the establishment of 
the Second Empire. He occupies a worthy position in the 
Senate. 

“ (Signed) Rouher.” 

“ D.— Officers. 

“ Only two senators—the Prince de Wagram, and M. de 
Montjoyeux—are Knights of the Legion of Honour. The 
candidature of the Prince de Wagram has for many years 
been placed on one side for reasons which it is useless here 
to recapitulate. The Prince, besides, takes no part in the 
deliberations of the Senate ; he did not even make his 
appearance on the solemn occasion of the closing of the 
session. M. de Montjoyeux has been a Knight since 1860. 
He merits promotion to the grade of officer in consequence of 
his age, his devotion, and his enlightenment. 

“ (Signed) 


Rouher.” 



THE MEXICAN BONDS-M. JECKER. 


137 


XVI. 

MEXICO.—THE JECKER BONDS. 

M. Jecker’s account of the Mexican Bonds—The Duke de Moray's 
interest in them—Attempts to settle M. Jecker’s affairs—His 
financial difficulties—Opposition of his creditors—The Mexican 
Mixed Commission—Threat to divulge the whole secret—Letter 
from Maximilian to Napoleon—The appointment of M. Langlais 
to the Ministry of Finance—The situation is perplexing— 
Maximilian is uneasy. 

Letter from Monsieur J. B. Jeclccr to Monsieur Conti , 
Secretary to the Emperor. 

[In the following document M. decker explains the 
causes of the Mexican expedition.] 

“ Paris, December 8, 1869. 

“ gi r? —Do not consider it strange that I should address 
myself to you in preference ; I am compelled to call your 
attention to matters especially regarding the Emperor. 
You will have heard sufficient talk concerning the affair of 
the Mexican Bonds to understand it a little. Well, I find 
that the Government consider this matter with too much 
indifference ; and that, if more immediate attention is not 
paid to it, lamentable results may follow to the Emperor. 

“ No doubt you are ignorant that the Duke de Morny 
was associated with me in this business, and that he, in 
consideration of 30 per cent., undertook to have the agree¬ 
ment respected, and the sum paid by the Mexican 
Government. On this subject a voluminous correspondence 


138 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

has been exchanged between the Duke and his agent, 
Monsieur de Marpon. In January, 18G1, agents from these 
gentlemen came to me with the object of treating on this 
subject. The arrangement was made at the time my house 
was in a state of insolvency, and when all payments were 
expected to be made for the benefit of my creditors. 

“ As soon as the arrangement was concluded, I was 
perfectly maintained by the French Government and its 
Legation in Mexico. The latter even assured my creditors, 
in the name of the French Government, that they would be 
paid in their entirety, and had sent strong representations 
to the Government concerning the carrying out of my 
contract—in the sense that the Ultimatum of 1862 called 
for the execution, pure and simple, of the decrees. Since 
that time I have been perpetually exposed to the hatred of 
the extreme party, who threw me into prison, afterwards 
banished me, and confiscated my property. 

“ Matters remained thus up to the occupation of Mexico 
by the French troops. Under the Empire of Maximilian, 
and on the repeated representations of the French Govern¬ 
ment, efforts were again made to settle my affair. In April, 
1863, I succeeded, with the assistance of French agents, in 
concluding a transaction with the Mexican Government. 
At the same period the Duke de Morny died, so that the 
striking protection accorded me by the French Government 
entirely ceased. The French Minister of Finance, indeed, 
permitted the payment of the first promissory notes the 
Mexican Government had given me, to cover a portion of 
what was due to me ; but the French agents in Mexico 
made opposition, in accordance with the instructions they 
had received, to the delivery to me of the ten millions of 


m. jecker’s financial difficulties. 


139 


promissory notes in payment of my transaction, and which 
the Mexican Government was disposed to pay me, possessing 
as it did, at this epoch, more than thirty millions of francs in 
Paris. As the French Government had declared to the 
Chambers that it was opposed to the execution of this 
contract, and had applied to its own purposes the money 
which ought to have been paid to me, I w r as obliged, as 
liquidator of my house, and after having exhausted every 
means of conciliation, to bring an action against the 
Government before the Council of State. Unfortunately, 
this step produced no result whatever, for the tribunal has 
just declared itself incompetent after the explanations given 
to it by the Minister of Finance. 

“ I was also one of the heaviest of the Mexican creditors. 
The Mixed Commission established at Mexico had recog¬ 
nised a balance due to me of about six millions of francs, 
which had been reduced to 500,000 francs. 1 have claimed 
the difference from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who has 
not hitherto deigued to reply to my demand. But in future 
I expect the negative answer given me by the Minister of 
Finance concerning the Mexican Bonds. 

“ Some of my creditors, seeing that I obtained nothing 
from the Government of my principal demands, have put 
in opposition at the Depot des Consignations against the 
sum due to me of the 500,000 francs mentioned above, in 
consequence of which I have only been able to dispose of a 
very small sum to meet the immediate and pressing wants 
of my house. Completely ruined by the Mexican expedi¬ 
tion, having nothing more to do here, and not being able to 
do anything, I am obliged to return, in order to give an 
account of my affairs to my creditors. Although I have 


140 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


neglected nothing in nay endeavours to pay what I owe in its 
entirety, as I have not succeeded, in consequence of circum¬ 
stances over which I had no control, they will not take into 
account all the enormous sacrifices I have made in order to 
do so, and will treat me without the slightest consideration. 
They will require to know the reason which, in 1861, 
induced M. de Saligny, then French Minister at Mexico, to 
promise them, in the name of his country, that they would 
be paid the sums due to them from my house ; and why, 
in 1863, this extraordinary protection was so hastily with¬ 
drawn by the French Government. 

“ Although, up to the present time, I have kept the whole 
affair the most profound secret—notwithstanding that I have 
been strongly urged to publish it—I shall be obliged to 
defend myself in order not to be thrown into prison for 
debt. I am compelled to inform my creditors of what has 
taken place in delivering over to them the sum I have 
already spoken of, and which they will in any case claim, 
as pertaining to my liquidation. The Mexican Govern¬ 
ment will be delighted to know the bottom of the affair, as 
a guide to its future conduct towards France. I can easily 
imagine the effect such a confession would produce on the 
public mind, and the injury it would cause to the Emperor’s 
Government, especially under the present critical circum¬ 
stances ; but I cannot prevent it—at least, unless means are 
afforded me to make a proposition to my creditors, and thus 
prevent the necessity of giving a full account of my liquida¬ 
tion, which they are sure to demand. This would be all the 
more easy for me, as, amongst the properties which the 
Mexican Government has not hitherto been able to seize, in 
consequence of the intervention of my creditors, who 


MAXIMILIAN TO NAPOLEON. 


141 


demand everything belonging to me as due to them, the 
liquidators still possess mines and ironworks which they 
have not been able to utilise, in consequence of their extreme 
penury; but which, with sufficient funds, would return 
immense profit, and would, in fact, cover the whole of the 
debts—especially now that apparatus have been perfected in 
Germany to concentrate the minerals, the profits to be ob¬ 
tained would thus be out of all proportion with those under 
the old system of mining employed in Mexico. 

“ Not doubting that, in your interest for the Emperor, 
you will have the goodness to communicate these just obser¬ 
vations to him, I beg you, sir, to receive the assurance of 
my distinguished consideration. 

“ J. B. Jecker.” 


Letter from Maximilian to Napoleon. 

[The newly-installed Emperor of Mexico thanks Napoleon 
for his protection, and regards the appointment of M. 
Langlais to the Ministry of Finance as a good omen for the 
future. The situation is already becoming perplexing ; 
Maximilian is uneasy. His letter, however, expresses a 
certain amount of confidence.] 

“ Monsieur mon Frere,—It is with lively pleasure and a 
sentiment of real gratitude that I receive, by M. Langlais, 
your Majesty’s gracious letter of the 29th of August. The 
good counsels of a sincere friend which your Majesty gives 
me, with that remarkable lucidity which characterises you, 
are very precious to me ; they are given by the greatest 
sovereign of our age, who is certainly the best judge of the 
intricate questions which are now occupying the Govern- 



142 TIIE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

ment of Mexico. If M. Langlais enjoys the confidence of 
your Majesty, such a worthy statesman may be sure of 
mine. His assistance is more than necessary to me, for the 
greatest difficulty of such a position is the complete want of 
useful instruments. 

“ Monsieur Langlais, as Minister of Finance, will have 
occasion to make known to your Majesty the real situation ; 
it is perplexing, but not hopeless. It is the w’ar which is 
eating up all our resources; the other branches of the 
Administration cost less than in any other country. As to 
the expenses of the war, it is those miserable auxiliary 
troops, which the Marshal believes to be absolutely neces¬ 
sary, which cost exorbitant sums, and which, in my opinion, 
are of very little use. In other departments of the Admi¬ 
nistration, almost parsimony is the order of the day. The 
changes effected in my Ministry wdll show you that the 
most complete harmony and honest and useful men are 
sought. 

“ M. Dano has written to his Minister, informing: 
him that the claims have been definitively arranged on 
bases which Mexican gratitude towards France dictated 
to us. 

‘‘ M. Dano and the Marshal have likewise informed your 
Majesty’s Government of the great circumspection used in 
all delicate questions relative to our neighbours. The news 
we have received from Washington is reassuring, and the 
sincere friendship of your Majesty gives me that firm con¬ 
fidence in the future which alone would render possible so 
difficult a task. 

“ During the last few days our work of political Admi¬ 
nistration and judicial organisation, based on the statute 


M. LANGLAIS AND MEXICAN FINANCE. 


143 


of the 10th of April, has been terminated, and will appear 
in a short time in several volumes. 

“ 1 hope to be able to send this work to your Majesty 
by the next French courier. I have given up the idea of a 
journey to Yucatan, where the Empress will go alone, in 
order that I may assiduously set to work with M. Langlais, 
who has already won my sympathy. The Marshal has sent 
you the Draconian law which I was forced to make against 
the guerilleros; the result of this law will be favourable. 

“ This scourge of the country would long since have been 
got rid of but for the want of troops. 

“ I beg your Majesty to remember me kindly to the 
Empress, and to believe in the sentiment of high esteem 
and sincere friendship with which I am, 

“ Your Majesty's good brother, 

“ Maximilian. 

“ Chapultepec, 20th October, 1865. 

“ P. S.—I learn at this moment that M. Langlais will 
not accept the portfolio of Minister of Finance before re¬ 
ferring the matter directly to your Majesty. The motives 
which he alleges for declining for the present the official 
•position which I had conferred upon him, seem to me of so 
delicate a nature, that I think it my duty to beg your 
Majesty to be arbitrator in the scrupulous inquiry into the 
expenditure since I have been at the head of the Govern¬ 
ment. The reports which M. Langlais will successively 
send to your Majesty will demonstrate the justness of my 
request.” 


144 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


XVII. 

IMPERIAL PURSE. 

Receipts for accounts charged upon the Imperial Purse—Bon-hons for 
General de Failly—The cost of a christening—Various lists of 
payments—Secret Funds—Personal Estate of the Emperor 
abroad—Heavy debt contracted by Louis Bonaparte in 1848— 
Sums received by Madame de Montijo—Civil List. 

(25.) 

Imperial Purse. 

[Subjoined are a few receipts, with some accounts charged 
upon the Imperial Purse. They are only specimens. 
Numerous other similar documents will follow. The list of 
persons who received pensions from the Emperor’s Privy 
Purse varies but little, and from month to month the 
greater part of the bills resemble each other. When one 
pensioner died, the same sum is simply transferred to the ac¬ 
count of the said 'pensioner's successor. The subjoined docu¬ 
ments are composed:—1st. Of the expenses from the 
Emperor’s Privy Purse during the months of April, 1868, 
and April and May, 1870. 2nd. Of the sums to be paid 
out of the private fortune of the Emperor, from January to 
July, 1865 ; from July, 1868, to January, 1869 ; and from 
January to July, 1869. We give simply those of March 
and May, 1865, which contain some items not indicated in 
the general account. 3rd. An isolated account, signed by 
a person whose name is not to be found on the lists.] 


THE COST OF A CHRISTENING. 


145 


(23.) 

Bill for Bon-Bons Paid by Napoleon for General de 

Failly. 

Gouache , Confectioner to the Emperor. 

Paris, May 20, 1858. 

Supplied to H.M. the Emperor : — 

Francs. 

12 dozen half-boxes of sweetmeats, at] 18 fr. ... ... ... 216 

Sent to General de Failly 20, Rue de Ponthieu. 

Settled, 

L. Gouache. 


A memorandum follows in pencil—probably a recapitu- 


lation of other similar bills :— 

Francs. 

“ April 16th 

... 216 

“ May 9tfr ... 

... 432 

“ June 3rd 

... 216 

** December 1st ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

216 

“ May 20th 

... 216 


1296 

(24.) 


The Cost of a Christening. 



Birth and Baptism of the Prince Imperial. 



Francs. 

Diamond Lockets 

. 25,000 

Allowances to Doctors 

. 62,000 

Midwife ... 

. 6,000 

The Society of Dramatic Authors 

. 10,000 

Men of Letters . 

. 10,000 

Dramatic Artists 

. 10,000 

Musicians 

. 10,000 

L 

















146 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


Painters, Sculptors, &c. 

Industrial Inventors 
Doctors in Department of Seine 

Charitable Societies of the Seine, and the parishes where 
the Crown furniture is situated 
Baby’s Outfit 

Present of four months’ salary to the Empress’s servants .. 
Free Theatrical representations, March 18, 1856 
Assistance to parents who had children born on the 16th ... 
Medals to authors of pieces of music and verses addressed to 
their Imperial Majesties ; medals for the troops and 

college students . 

Notices addressed to the parents of their Majesties’ god¬ 
children ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 

Cortege, &c. 

Presents to their Majesties’supernumeraries 


10,000 

10,000 

10,000 

93,000 

100,000 

11,000 

44,000 

50,000 


85,000 


20,000 

172,000 

160,000 


Total 


... 898,000 


The ExMperor’s Privy Purse. 

Palais of the Tuileries, April ,18 . 
113 
87 

200 ( 1 ) 


Estimate for the month of April , 1868. 

Francs. 

Works of the Dombes, 4th instalment . 

35,000 

M. Dusantoy, balance ... 

25,000 

Baron David, for April ... . 

3,000 

M. Silvestre (2), ditto . 

1,000 

M. Daux, ditto. 

1,000 

Commandant de Reffye (3), ditto . 

2,000 

,, „ in addition . 

4,000 


(1) In the Emperor’s handwriting. 

(2) M. Theophile Silvestre, many of whose letters and receipts are 
found among the Imperial papers. 

(3) Commandant de Reffye was a staff-officer, who assisted the 
Emperor in the invention of the mitrailleuse. 








THE EMPEROR’S PRIVY PURSE. 147 

Cathedral of Sens, ornaments . ... 10 000 

M. de Roucy, first instalment on 6000 francs . 2,000 

Bapot’s Bill . 7 ’ 675 

To provide for current expenses ... ... ... 9,32.5 

Total . 100,000 

Cheque for April 50,000 

To be added . 50,000 

Nett sum . 100,000 

" 1 mmmmm 


The Emperor’s Privy Purse. 

Palace of the Tuileries, April, 1870. 


Estimate for the month of April , 1870. 

Francs. 

Marquise Campana, second and third payments ... ... 20,0u0 

Baron David, supplementary sum in March ... .. 10,000 

„ „ for April . 3,000 

Commandant de Reffye, supplementary sum in March ... 10,000 

„ „ for April ... 2,000 

M. Bachon, fourth payment on account of 72,000fr. ... 6,000 

Antique vases for St. Germain, second payment on account of 

16,000fr. 4,000 

M. de Roucy, at Compiegne, on 4000fr. 2,000 

Annals of the Empire, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth instal¬ 
ments on 600 Ofr. ... ... ... ... . 2,000 

Dick’s bill, soup-cans for the troops. 2,300 

Baugrand, the jeweller’s bill ... ... ... ... 4,500 

School of Saint-Cloud., . ... ... ... 2,000 

Ball of the 18th arrondissement of Paris . 1,000 

Ball of dramatic artists ... ... ... ... ... 1,000 

Festival of Berlioz ... ... ... . ... 1,000 


90,000 

To provide for current expenses . 14,200 


105,000 

L 2 


Total 








148 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


March 1, received of the Emperor ... . 10,000 

March 3, the Emperor remitted to Commandant Reffye 10,000 

March 12, received of the Emperor ... ... ... 10,000 

Cheque for April ... . 50,000 

To be added . ... ... ... ... 25,000 


Nett sum . 105,000 


The Emperopv’s Privy Purse. 

Palace of the Tuileries, May 18, 1870. 


Estimate for the month of May. 
Marquise Campana, fourth payment 

, 1870. 


10,000 

M. Granier de Cassagnac, second instalment on 160,000fr. 

16,000 

M. Bachon, fifth instalment on 72,000fr. ... 

• * • 

• • • 

6,000 

Baron David, for May . 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

3,000 

Commandant de Reffye, for May ... 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

2,000 

Antique vases for Saint-Germain, 

third 

instalment 

on 

16,000fr. 

... 

• • • 

• • • 

4,000 

Annals of the Empire, ninth and 

tenth 

instalments 

on 

6,000fr. 

• < • 

• • • 

• • • 

1,000 

Baron Silouet ... . 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

5,000 

M. Le Faure, works of Yichy 

• • • 

• • • ■* 

... 

3,000 

Two hills, Lejeune, photographer ... 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

3,000 

,, Bapot, jeweller ... 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

6,190 

,, Dumoret, do. 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

4,500 

,, Baugrand, do. 

• • • 

... 

• • • 

3,000 

,, Maurice Mayer, goldsmith 

• • • 


• * • 

1,600 

„ Poussielque, do. 

• • • 

• • . 

... 

3,175 

,, Lepaute, watchmaker 

• • • 

• • • 


1,807 

British Charitable Fund 

• * W 

• • • 

• • • 

1,000 

Wounded of the land and sea forces 

... 

... 

... 

1,000 

To provide for current expenses 


• • • 


75,302 

14,698 


Total 

* • • 

• • • 

90,000 

Cheque for May . 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

50,000 

To he added . 

• • • 

... 

... 

40,000 

Nett sum 

• • • 

... 

90,000 








SECRET FUNDS. 


149 


Secret Funds. 

[The following is an account, without details, of the 
manner in which the Secret Funds were distributed by the 
Imperial Government.] 

Credit ... ... 2,000,000 francs. 

Francs. 

Article 1. —Expenses of Police from the Prefecture of 

Police . 600,000 

,, 2. —Expenses of Police of the Prefects in the 

Departments (Bouches-du-Rhone, Rhone, 

Nord, Gironde, &c.) ... ... ... 223,400 

„ 3.—Military and Civil Police ... . 67,600 

,, 4.—Service of the Press, General Expenses, 

Journals, &c. ... ... ... ... 297,540 

„ 5.—Indemnity for assistance, and private grants... 255,860 

„ 6.—Periodical submissions for engagement ... 78,850 

1,523,250 

Remaining at the disposition of the Minister . 487,850 

Total ... 2,000,000 

[The following letter was found amongst the documents 
and receipts appertaining to the Imperial Purse.] 

“ Paiinboeuf, June 16, 1870. 

“ Sire,—In 1867, I was at an entertainment at Phila¬ 
delphia, where you were insulted. I performed my duty; 
and, anxious that France and he who governs it should be 
respected, I paid, Sire, to Michael Bouvier, who pretended 
to be one of your creditors, the sum of 1500 francs for 
furniture supplied to you during your residence in Ame¬ 
rica. The receipt for this sum is enclosed. I beg your 

Majesty to be persuaded that I am not asking for the sum : 
first of all, I am incapable of such a thing ; next, I would 
not be guilty of such meanness. My only desire is to know 
whether I have not been duped by an infamous rogue. 






150 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


“ I have the honour to be, Sire, with profound respect, 
your Majesty’s very humble and very devoted subject, 

“ Hippolyte Haranchipy de Rostaing.’' 


[To the above letter is added the following note.] 

“ Received from M. Hippolyte Haranchipy the sum of 
1500 francs, on account of Louis Napoleon, Emperor of the 
F rench. 

“ Michel Bouvier. 

“ Philadelphia, March 28, 1867.” 


(40.) 

Personal Estate of the Emperor Abroad. 

From 1852 to 1866, and probably up to the end of his 
reign, Napoleon III. had an account with Baring Brothers, 
bankers at London. The aunual memoranda establishing 
the balance of this account present no remarkable interest 
—a tolerably large number of orders for Madame Walewski 
and Madame de Cadore, different purchases, and disburse¬ 
ment of quite moderate sums. The memorandum of the 
31st December, 1852, bears, however, evident traces of the 
coup d’etat. It carries to the credit of the State a sum of 
£767 sterling, the remainder of £36,370 16s. But the most 
precious document furnished by the Messrs. Baring’s account 
is the following, left by mistake, no doubt, in the account of 
December, 1866. It is drawn up in English :— 

£ 

Russian 5 per Cents. (1822) ... 50,000 

,, ,, ... 50,000 

„ 3 per Cents. 50,000 

Turkish 6 „ (1858) ... 100,000 




HEAVY DEBT OF NAPOLEON IN 1848. 


151 


Peruvian 4^ 

» 

(Old) 

80,000 

4JL 

>> ^2 

>> 

(New) 

... 52,000 

Canada 6 


• • « 

... 50,000 

Brazilian 4^ 


» 

... 50,000 

Egyptian 7 

>> 

• • • 

... 50,000 

American 8 


• •• 

... 100,000 

Mississippi 6 

55 

• • • 

... 25,000 

Diamonds... 


• • * • « • 

... 200,000 

Uniforms ... 


• • • • • • 

16,000 




873,000 

Beaujon ... 


• • • Mt 

60,000 


Total ... 

... £033,000 


[Everything is not explained in this document. What 
are the uniforms for £16,000 sterling? As for “ Beaujon ” 
(£60,000), it is, no doubt, the price of land sold to or 
bought from the painter Gudin. Whatever may be the ex¬ 
planation, the fact of 23,325,000fr. being economised (on 
the Civil List, no doubt) and placed in security does not 
appear the less indisputable.] 


(49.) 

[The three following letters relate to a heavy debt con¬ 
tracted by the Pretender Louis Bonaparte in 1848, which 
was not paid until after the coup d'etat .] 

“ Genoa, Nov. 16, 1850. 

“ Monsieur, 

“ In the month of July last I received a letter, in which 
you expressed the desire of Prince Louis Napoleon Bona¬ 
parte to reimburse me, at Paris, the sum of 60,000 Roman 
crowns—viz., 324,000 francs of the loan I made him in the 
year 1848, with the mortgage on the Prince’s domains 











152 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

situated near Civita-Nova, in the Roman States. Being in 
Tuscany at this period, I wrote to my agent at Genoa, M. 
Arado, to reply to you in my name, and to desire ^ou to 
ask the Prince if he would feel inclined to consent to hold 
the sum total until the 15th Januar}’ - , 1851, in order that I 
might, during the interval, be able to find a secure invest¬ 
ment. You replied to my agent that the Prince adhered to 
the proposition, and that the affair was perfectly settled. As 
the time is fastly approaching for the reimbursement, I 
wish to ask you :—1st. That you will have the goodness to 
send me a formula of the power of attorney of settlement 
which I must send to Paris for the reimbursement, and to 
advise me whether this power of attorney should be signed 
before a notary or the French consul. 2nd. If the Prince 
intends to pay the quarterly interest due on the 15th 
January next at Genoa or Paris ; and, in the latter case, 
to indicate it in the receipt mentioned above. 

“Accept, Sir, the assurance of my most distinguished 
consideration. 

“ E. L. Pallavicino. 

“ M. Mocquard, 

“ Private Secretary of the President of the Republic, 
Paris.” 


To Monsieur Mocquard , Private Secretary of the President oj 

the French Republic. 

“Monsieur,—In your letter of the 12th December, you 
informed the Marquis de Pallavicino that Prince Bonaparte 
desired a delay of a month for the repayment of the 324,000 
francs, and to effect the restitution on the 15th February, 



NAPOLEON AND MARQUIS PALLAVICINO. 


153 


1851, instead of the 15th January, as was previously under¬ 
stood. The Marquis de Pallavicino instructs me to inform 
you that he is prepared to satisfy the demands of the Prince, 
on the condition that his Highness promises to pay the 
interest on the sum total at the rate of 6 per cent., which 
may be calculated at 53fr. 26c. per cent. The Marquis de 
Pallavicino requests you to write to him as soon as possible, 
to inform him whether the 15th February is definitively 
fixed between himself and Prince Bonaparte for the repay¬ 
ment of the sum in question, and whether he may count 
upon it in order to fill his other engagements. 

“ Accept, sir, the assurance of my distinguished consi¬ 
deration. Your very humble and very obedient servant, 

“ Felix Arado. 

“Genoa, Dec. 19, 1850.” 


“ Genoa, February 18, 1851. 

“ To Monsieur Mocquard , Private Secretary to His Highness 
Prince Louis Bonaparte, Paris. 

“ Sir, 

“ The Marquis de Pallavicino instructs me to inform you 
that, in consequence of the understanding between Prince Bona¬ 
parte and himself, he has just named the Duke of Galliera as his 
special agent, to receive in his name from Prince Bonaparte 
the sum of 324,000 francs. Have the goodness to call upon 
the Duke, at No. 16, Rue d’Astorg, in order to fix the day 
most convenient for the settlement of the matter. The 
Duke will, after reimbursement of the total, remit to you 
the following documents :— 

“ 1st.—Entire and definitive settlement of the debt of 



154 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

324,000 francs ; 2nd.—Special power conferred on Raphael 
Defferari, Duke de Galliera, to receive the sum in the name 
of the Marquis Pallavicino ; 3rd.—Consent to the eradica¬ 
tion of the mortgage on the Prince’s property at Civita- 
Nova ; finally, a receipt for the sum of 16G5fr. 50c. due on 
the total, as follows :— 

Fr. c. 

Interest from Jan. 15th to February 15th . . . 1,631 00 

Attorney’s letter for Viscount de Casabianca to 
annul the mortgage on a portion of the 


Prince’s estate. 15 00 

Expenses of letter of Attorney sent to Paris. . . 19 50 

Total. 1,665 50 


“ Have the goodness to acknowledge the receipt of this 
letter, and accept the assurance of my distinguished con¬ 
sideration. Your very humble and very obedient servant, 

“ Felix Arado.” 


(50.) 

[A curious memorandum of one Besuchet, an old officer 
of the Empire, found at the back of a circular in favour of 
the candidateship of Louis Napoleon for the Presidency of 
the Republic. This document proves that, whilst approving 
of the circular, the Prince declared that he had not suffi¬ 
cient funds to insure its publication.] 

“ Sums Received by Madame de Montijo. 

(Memorandum bearing no date.) 

“There were sent to the Countess de Montijo, in Spain, 
through Messrs. Rothschild:—1st, on the 4th February, 
600,000 francs; 2nd, on the 9th April, 89,739 francs; and, 
3rd, on the 27th May (Mocquard), 668,421 francs.” 






VARIOUS SUBVENTIONS. 


155 


(52.) 

Civil List. 

[Curious memorandum, in the Emperor’s handwriting, 
without date. Two pages of figures and additions of sums, 
which we transcribe, with reflections.] 

A society of colporteurs received 5000fr. (£200) per 
month. Florian Pharaon 2000fr. a month. The camp of 
Chalons appears to have cost 100,000fr. of 110,000fr. in 
July (186—?). The church of Notre Dame de la Garde, 
20,000fr. in July. — Etincelle , the journal ot M. Pharaon, 
received 50,000fr. in one payment. (1) The constructions 
in the Champs de Mars (Exposition ?) surpass all calcula¬ 
tions ; valued at 60,000fr. per month, reached, in July, 
147,000fr.—in September, 332,000fr.; and afterwards, 
327,000fr. and 322,000fr. M. Mocquard’s bill was heavily 
burdened. The Empress every month had 100,OOOfr. The 
building of houses for the d’Albes, the LauristoDS, and Im¬ 
perial residences, absorbed considerable sums. Add 
100,OOOfr. to the Ministry of the Interior, and 150,OOOfr. to 
David. Lyons, 300,OOOfr. (are these shares ?). 


(1) Without affecting two other sums of 50,OOOfr., of which men¬ 
tion is made in subsequent accounts. 




156 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


XVIII. 

BUDGET OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY 

—MU EAT. 

Achille Murat’s difficulties with his creditors—The Emperor refuses 
to interfere—Sums allowed to the Murat family from 1852 to 1866 
—Annual Subventions to the members of the Imperial Family— 
Sums paid to Lucien Murat, Joachim Murat, and the Duchess de 
Mouchy. 

Budget of the Imperial Family. 

Letter from Monsieur Achille Murat to Napoleon. 

“ Sire, 

“I hasten to inform your Majesty of my return to 
Paris, being compelled to do so by the urgency of my 
affairs. I consequently place myself at the orders of your 
Majesty, assuring you that I have nothing more at heart 
than to prove to you my sincere desire to conform myself 
to them. 

“ After eight months’ absence in the Caucasus, Sire, I 
return to rejoin, in Africa, the new regiment in which, 
at the request of my brother, your Majesty has deigned to 
place me, persuaded that the arrangements made during my 
absence would enable me to re-enter the service, and thus 
to efface, by my future conduct, my past faults from your 
Majesty’s mind. Unfortunately, Sire, nothing, or next to 
nothing, is changed in my distressing position. Up to the 
present time, the money paid has scarcely been sufficient to 


achille murat’s difficulties. 


157 


liquidate my debts of honour—those in which the honour 
of my name was engaged—so that all the inconveniences, 
all the scandals which tormented me before my departure, 
threaten to torment me still. In Africa, as in Paris, my 
presence will re-awaken the suspicions of my creditors ; I 
shall be sued, followed, arrested, exposed every day to 
incessant and menacing demands—demands which will not 
be wanting in malevolence; and your Majesty is too just to 
wish that, under such conditions, I should be compelled to 
rejoin my regiment, where my disrepute would deprive me 
of the esteem of my comrades, and render my existence 
and service with them completely impossible. 

“I dare not ask your Majesty to permit me to submit the 
real state of my affairs before you ; for the reports which 
have been presented to you concerning me are greatly 
exaggerated—with what object I am ignorant; but I 
implore your Majesty to believe, and to be persuaded that I 
desire, above all things, to reinstate myself in your affec¬ 
tion, and, with that end in view, am prepared to do every¬ 
thing in my power. 

“ Your Majesty’s very obedient nephew and subject, 

“ Achille Murat. 

“ September 30, 1869.” 

[The following words are written on the"margin, and are 
in the handwriting of Napoleon.] 

“ Refusal .— The Emperor will not interfere in such matters .” 

[His Majesty, before declining to interfere, ordered an 
account to be presented to him of the sums allowed to the 
Murat family from 1852 to 1866. The total is tolerably 
respectable.] 


158 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


Prince Achille Murat. 


1864,'July.—Received from H.M. the Emperor 

Francs. Cents. 
32,000 00 

,, August.— 

99 

10,000 00 

„ September. — 

99 

10,000 00 

,, October.— 

9 9 

3,000 00 

„ November.— 

9 9 

23,000 00 

1865, April.— 

9 9 

4,959 45 

,, November.— 

99 

248 00 



83,207 45 


( 22 .) 


Annual Subventions accorded to the Members of the 

Imperial Family. 


(A.) 


Names. 

Amount of ad¬ 
vances demanded 
for 1868. 

Total. 


Francs. 

Francs. 

Princess Bacciochi ... . 

150,000 ) 


Annual pension allowed for purchase of the 

250,000 

estate of Boulogne . 

100,000 ) 

Prince Lucien Murat . 

• • * • • • 

50,000 

Princess Lucien Murat 

• • • ( , , 

100,000 

Prince Achille Murat . 

••• 

24,000 

Princess Joachim Murat 

••V ••• 

20,000 

Prince Pierre Bonaparte 

... ,,, 

100,000 

Prince Anthony Bonaparte 

• • • • • • 

100,000 

Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte 

• • • • . , 

100,000 

Prince Napoleon Charles Bonaparte 

50,000 i 

f? A a aa 

Rent of hotel . 

20,000 y 

*0,000 

Princess Marianne Bonaparte 

... 

6,000 

Madame Valentini ... ... 

% • • * • • 

25,000 

Countess Rasponi 

... •. • 

50,000 

Marquis Pepoli 

, . 

25,000 

Marquise Roccagiovine 

20,000 ) 

Indemnity for rent 

20,000 } 

40,000 

Countess Primoli 

20,000 ) 

40,000 

Indemnity for rent . 

20,000 1 








PAYMENTS TO 

LUCIEN 

MURAT. 

159 

Countess Campella 

Princess Gabrielli 

• • • 

... 

20,000 ) 

20,000 

Indemnity for rent 

• « • 


20,000 i 

40,000 

Baroness de Chassiron 

• • • 



30,000 

Madame Wyse 

Insurance on her life ... 

• • • 


40,000 ) 
6,975 \ 

46,975 

Madame Ratazzi, nee Wyse 

• • • 

» • • 

• • • 

24,000 

Madame Turr, nee Wyse 

• • • 



24,000 

Prince Gabrielli 




6,250 

Marquise Christine Stephanoni 

• • • 



6,250 

Countess Lavinie Aventi ... 

• ■ • 



6,250 

Marquise Amelie Parisani 

• • • 

• • • 


6,250 

Madame A. Booker 

... 

• • • 


6,000 

Madame Clelia Honorati Romagnoli 


... 

6,000 

M. Jerome Bonaparte, junior 

• • • 



30,000 

Marquise Bartholini 

• • • 



12,000 

Countess Mosti, nee Pepoli 

• • • 



8,333 

Countess Ruspoli, nee Pepoli 

• • • 



8,333 

Countess Tattini, nee Pepoli 

• • • 


... > 

8,334 

M. Wyse (Lucien Napoleon) 

• • • 



2,000 

General Total 

... 

... 

... 

1,310,975 

Ministry of the Emperor’s 

Household and 

of Fine 


Arts. 

Secretary-General’s Office.—(B.) 

Sums paid since 1852, in capital , to his Highness Prince Lucien Murat, 

and to the members of his family. 

1st. —To Prince Lucien Murat, April, 1852. 

Francs. 

One million francs, payable in monthly instalments of 

25,000 fr., with interest added . ... 1,000,000 

December, 1852. 

One million of francs, payable in six parts, and per 
month, with interest added.—(This sum is granted 
on the condition that the allowance of the Prince 
shall be reduced from 100,000fr. to 50,000fr. 
annually, and that the capital shall be employed 
as usufruct, in favour of his eldest son.). 1,000,000 







ICO THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


February, 1860. 

Three hundred thousand francs.— (This sum is granted 
for the purchase of an hotel situated at the angle of 
the Avenue Montaigne and the Rue Jean-Goujon.) 

May, 1860. 

Twelve thousand five hundred francs, in payment of 
legacies due to the Prince from his mother, accord¬ 
ing to the will of Cardinal Fesch ... 

July, 1860. 

One hundred thousand francs, the total of an allowance 
placed at the disposition of the Prince 

December, 1864. 

Sixty-seven thousand francs. (This sum is advanced as 
a loan ; hut only 35,000fr. have as yet been paid, 
and, in consequence, there remains due) ... 


300,000 


12,500 

100,000 


32,000 


Total... 


2,444,500 


His Highness Prince Joachim Murat. 

March, 1854. 

Allowance of one hundred and eighty thousand francs 

on the occasion of his marriage . 180,000 

The Duchess de Mouchy. 

1866. 

Allowance of one million seven hundred and thirty- 
eight thousand and sixty-two francs forty-eight 
centimes as the marriage portion of the Duchess de 
Mouchy . 


Frs. Cts. 


1,738,062 48 


Making together. 4,362,562 48 

[The subjoined note, written in ink, is found on the 
margin of the above document.] 

“ The marriage portion was 2,000,000fr.; the surplus of 
the l,738,062fr. 48c. was paid by the Emperor without the 
intervention of the Ministry.” 





MADEMOISELLE BELLANGER. 


1C1 


XIX. 

FROM MADEMOISELLE BELLANGER, 
MARIE CAPELLE, AND MISS HOWARD. 

Mdlle. Bellanger’s relations with the Emperor—Marie Capelle thanks 
the Prince-President—Miss Howard’s financial relations with 
the Emperor. 

Letters from Mademoiselle Marguerite Bellanger. 

[The two following letters were discovered among the 
private papers of the Emperor. They were placed together 
in an envelope, sealed with the Crown and Imperial ciphers, 
and bearing these words, written by Napoleon, “Letters to 
be kept.”] 

“ Sir,—You have asked me for explanations as to my 
relations with the Emperor ; and, at whatever cost, I will 
tell vou the whole truth. It is terrible to avow that I have 
deceived him—I, who owe him everything; but he has done 
so much for me that I will lay all before you. I was not 
confined at seven months, but at nine months. Tell him 
that I ask his pardon. You, sir, have given me your word 
of honour that you will keep this letter. 

“ Receive, Sir, the assurance of my distinguished con¬ 
sideration. 

“ M. Bellanger.” 

“ My dear Prince,—I have not written to you since my 
departure, fearing to cause you any annoyance; but since 

M 


162 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

the visit of M. Devienne (President of the Court of Cassa¬ 
tion) I have thought it my duty to do so; first, in order to 
supplicate you not to despise me, for without your esteem 
I know not what would become of me ; and next, to demand 
your forgiveness. I have been guilty, it is true ; but, I 
assure you, I was doubtful. Tell me, my dear lord, if there 
are any means of expiating my fault, and I will not shrink 
from any sacrifice; if a whole life of devotion can secure 
me your esteem, mine belongs to you, and there is no 
sacrifice you can demand of me that I am not perfectly 
ready to accord. If it is necessary, in order to secure your 
tranquillity, that I should become an exile in a foreign 
country, let me know, and I will leave at once. My heart 
is so deeply penetrated with gratitude for all the kindness 
you have shown to me, that to suffer for your sake would 
be happiness. The only thing which, at any price and on 
any consideration, I should not wish, is that you should 
doubt my sincerity and my profound love for you. I beg 
you, therefore, to send me a few lines saying that you 
forgive me. My address is : Madame Bellanger, Rue de 
Launay, commune of Yilbernier, near Saumur. Awaiting 
your reply, my dear lord, receive the farewell of your ever 
devoted but very unhappy 

“ Marguerite.” 


[Has the subjoined letter from M. Devienne to M. Conti 
(the Emperor’s Private Secretary) reference to the above?] 

Imperial Court of Paris; Cabinet of the First President. 

“ Paris, 19th February, 1868. 

“ Monsieur le Conseiller d’Etat,—I shall feel greatly 
obliged to you if you will kindly give the letter I enclose to 



MARIE CAPELLE AND THE PRINCE-PRESIDENT. 163 


his Majesty. Please to receive, with my apology, the 
expression of the sentiment of my high consideration. 

“ The First President, 

“ Devienne.” 


(42.) 

Marie Capelle (Mme. Lafarge.) 

[Letter of thanks to the Prince-President, who set her at 
liberty.] 

“ My Lord,—I was dying ; you knew it, and I owe you 
my life. I shed tears of gratitude at your feet. 

“ What words, Prince, would he sufficiently eloquent to 
worthily express my thanksgivings ! 

t 

“ To owe you my liberty is to owe you my honour. You 
protect and you give royally. . . . My whole life will 

be the passionate echo of my gratitude. . . . But in 

order to dare to tell you, my lord, how I venerate and love 
you, I throw down my pen, and I borrow the heart of 
France. 

“ I have the honour to he, with the most profound 
respect, my lord, your very humble and very obedient 
ressuscitee , 

“ Marie Capelle. 

“Montpellier, 12th June, 1852.” 


(45.) 

Miss Howard. 

[Miss Howard had pledged her fortune for the success of 
the coup d'etat; she had several times paid the debts of 

m 2 




164 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

Prince Louis Napoleon. In 1851 he had bills protested at 
Montaut/s, a money-changer in the Palais Royal. On the 
25tli of March, 1853, he remitted to Miss Howard a first 
instalment of one million. 

Letter from Mme. Beauregard (Miss Howard), giving a 
receipt for one million, dated 25th March, 1853. The 
letter was originally written in English ; but a translation 
only has been published. It is as follows.] 

“ Received of his Majesty Napoleon III. the sum of one 
million francs, in full acquittance and discharge of all my 
rights and interests in the domain of Civita-Nova, on the 
frontier of Ancona (Papal States). 

“ E. H. de Beauregard. 

“ Paris, 25th March, 1853.” 

[Letter to M. Mocquard.—Receipt for a sum of 50,000 
francs, under date of the 31st January, 1854. (With a 
note by M. Mocquard, stating that three previous payments 
of a like amount had been made by M. Giles.)] 

“ My dear Mocquard,—I beg to acknowledge the receipt 
up to the 1st January, 1854, of the sum of fifty thousand 
francs, which I had charged you to receive each month. 

“ E. H. de Beauregard. 

“ Paris, 31st January, 1854.” 

[Note. —The payment of the 50,000 francs commenced 
from the 1st of June, 1853. The first three payments had 
been made by M. Giles. 

Account of the sums paid by the Emperor to Miss 
Howard from the 24th March, 1853, to the 1st January, 
1855. The total amounts to 5,449,000 francs.] 


MISS HOWARD AND NAPOLEON. 


165 


“ 1st Jan., 1855.—Payment of 58,000 francs.” 

[The month of November, then, is not included.] 

“ I had promised three millions in addition to Beaure¬ 
gard s (1) expenses, which I estimated, at the outside, at 
500,000 francs. 

£ 'I gave 1,000,000 the 24th March, 1853, according to 

receipt. 

„ 1,500,000 31st Jan., 1854. 

„ 1,414,000 in Government stock. 

„ 585,000 in payments of 58,000 per month from 

the 1st Jan., 1855. 

„ 950,000 in payments of 50,000 francs per month 

from 1st Jan., 1853, to 1st Jan., 
1855.” 

5,449,000 

[Another letter from Miss Howard, complaining that the 
engagements entered into with her had not been kept. This 
letter is dated the 24th of July, 1855.] 

“ Chateau de Beauregard, 

“ 24th July, 1855. 

“My very dear Friend,—To-day is the 24th of July, and 
I see with sorrow that the engagements entered into with 
me are not accomplished [when I doubt I am vexed; there 
must be no more doubt] ; in fact, I believed, and I still 
believe, that it is an error—why make me suffer? If things 
are to be thus, I should have done better to have kept the 
six millions, instead of three millions five hundred thousand 


(1) In parenthesis, underlined : “ Howard .” 






166 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

francs, which should have been paid, on my demand, at the 
end of the year 1853, and it was for this reason that I 
begged of the Emperor to tear up the first sum (two millions 
jive hundred thousand francs'). It makes my heart bleed to 
write this, and if my marriage contract were not drawn up 
as it is, and if I had no child, I should not have taken this 
step, which has become a duty. I depend upon you to put 
an end to so much suffering. The heart of the Emperor is too 
good to leave a woman whom he has tenderly loved in a false 
position, and he would not wish to be so himself—you know 
my position, you are my tutor, and it is for this double 
reason that I address myself to you. I was mistaken the 
other day in writing to his Majesty. In one of his letters, 
dated May, he says: ‘I will give Giles to-morrow paper 
for the three million five hundred thousand francs.’ So 
there is nothing to be done but to calculate the annuity of 
50,000 from the 1st June, 1853, and 50,000 from January 
to October. I pray God that there may be no more questions 
of money between me and he who possesses every other 
feeling of my heart. I kiss you tenderly, and love you the 
same. 

“ Yours affectionately, 

“ E. H. de Beauregard. 

“ I beg you will not leave this letter. You may read it 
to his Majesty if you think fit, and burn it immediately 
afterwards. I saw Mme. Mocquard on Monday at four 
o’clock. She was suffering greatly the other day.” 

[The preceding letter having been written in Englisli- 
French, the writer’s meaning is not always very clear; the 
translator has, however, used his best endeavours to make it 
intelligible.] 


YOUNG CAYAIGNAC AND THE PRINCE IMPERIAL 167 


XX. 

OKLEANISM. 

The refusal of young- Cavaignac to accept a prize from the Prince 
Imperial—M. Baroche, junior, and the late Duchess of Orleans. 

(34.) 

[The subjoined letter was addressed by M. Victor Duruy, 
Minister of Public Instruction, to General Froissard, 
Governor of the Prince Imperial, after the distribution of 
prizes at the annual concourse of 1868. It will be remem¬ 
bered that the Prince Imperial presided at the ceremony, 
and that young Cavaignac refused to receive the prize 
awarded to him from the hands of the Prince Imperial.] 


Cabinet of the Minister of Public Instruction. 

“ Paris, Aug. 10, 1868. 


“ General, 

“ My son confirms me in the impression that the disgrace¬ 
ful incidents of which we have been witnesses are organised 
by a group of pupils at the Lyce'e Bonaparte—that nest of 
involuntary Orleauists. Jules Simon has his children 
there. 

“ It appears to me that, after this little scandal, I ought 
not to propose to the Emperor to grant a cross to the school, 
the professors in which ought to exercise more influence 


over the minds of their pupils. The pupils, too-—at least a 
great number—on reflection, were much humiliated that 


168 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

Cavaignac refused to accept the prize assigned to him. His 
mother had ordered him net to do so, he said ; but she had 
sent him, no doubt, with the view of provoking a manifesta¬ 
tion, and she succeeded. Notwithstanding all this, be con¬ 
vinced that the presence of the Prince produced a most 
salutary effect, even in Paris. As for the universities in 
the provinces, they are very grateful. 

“ Yours devotedly, 

“ V. Duruy.” 


(35.) 

Letter from M. Baroche, Senior, to the Emperor. 

[In the following letter M. Baroche endeavours to justify 
his son having written his name on a register opened at the 
residence of the Duchess of Orleans, immediately after her 
death.] 

“ Paris, June 7. 

“ Sire, 

“Your Majesty has no doubt been informed of a fact, 
insignificant in itself, but to which an English journal has 
endeavoured to attribute some importance—I speak of my 
son having inscribed his name in the register opened in the 
house where the Duchess of Orleans died. I should feel 
exceedingly unhappy if this rash act should leave on your 
Majesty’s mind an unfavourable impression against my son. 
I pray your Majesty to permit me to give you a full account 
of the incident. My son, taking advantage of a holiday 
granted to him by the President of his department in the 
Council of State, went to England to be present at the 
Epsom races, and whilst in London visited the docks and 



ORLEANISJI. 


169 


public establishments. On Wednesday, the 21st of May, he 
went to Richmond and Kew with his fellow-travellers— 
young men quite foreign to politics. The latter, in passing 
before the house where the body of the Duchess of Orleans 
still remained, wrote their names in the book kept at the 
door, and my son followed their example, without reflecting 
that his name and his position imposed upon him duties 
from which his friends enjoyed comparative immunity. 

“ He soon discovered his error, and, even before I had 
occasion to speak to him on the subject, he expressed his 
sincere regret at having been induced to commit so great an 
error—an error which I am not called upon to excuse, 
knowing that he would have acted very differently during 
the Duchess’s lifetime. Without being in any way connected 
with the past—having never exercised any public function 
otherwise than under the Government of your Majesty, of 
whom I have the honour of being one of the oldest servants, 
since, from the 20th December, 1848, I was appointed 
Procuror-General at Paris—I owe everything to the good¬ 
ness of the Emperor; and'my sons, too, who, although still 
young, have often been the objects of his favours and his 
kindness, join in the same sentiments of gratitude and 
affection with which I am penetrated. 

“I venture to hope, besides, that your Majesty knows 
me too well to render it necessary that I should assure you, 
on behalf of myself and my sons, of a devotion of which 
we shall always be happy to give you new proofs. 

“ Accept, Sire, the homage of the profound respect with 
which I have the honour to be your Majesty’s very humble 
and very obedient servant, 


“J. Baeoche.” 


170 THE SECEET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


XXL 

COLONEL ESPINASSE ON PARDONS. 

Revision of the judgments of the Mixed Commissions—Effects of the 
liberations on the anarchists; on the country—Numbers of the 
insurgents in different districts—Bad impressions of individual 
pardons—State of public spirit. 

(40.) 

[After the coup d’etat , Colonel Espinasse, who was 
Minister of the Interior after the attempt of Orsini, and 
who was the first to apply the law of general security, 
received from Louis Napoleon the mission of revising the 
judgments of the Mixed Commissions. The following is the 
report which he sent in after his journey.] 

“ My Lord,—I have the honour of addressing to you my 
report of the mission which you did me the honour to con¬ 
fide to me. I have been able to ascertain the state of 
public feeling from Tours to Bordeaux, from Bordeaux to 
Montpellier and Perpignan. I have everywhere found it 
satisfactory. Everywhere the great services you have ren¬ 
dered to the country have been warmly appreciated. 
Among these services that which perhaps is the most appre¬ 
ciated is the having rid society of the dangerous elements 
which threatened to dissolve it. This last feeling is so 
deeply rooted that any idea of an amnesty would be 
scouted. 

“ The circular of the Minister of the Interior, and the 


SECRET SOCIETIES IN THE PROVINCES. 


171 


liberations which followed it, produced the worst possible 
effect. The anarchists once more held up their heads, and 
those who were already in the hands of justice interrupted or 
retracted the confessions which would have made the 
authorities acquainted with the plans and organisation of 
the secret societies. These troublesome symptoms had 
begun to disappear, when the news of the mission of 
clemency with which the commissaries extraordinary were 
charged revived them to such a point that, in order to quiet 
them, I was compelled to order that the bands of prisoners 
who had been stopped on account of my revision should 
resume their journey as soon as that revision terminated. 

“ I return w T ith the profound conviction that in all the de¬ 
partments I have visited the Mixed Commissions followed 
their instructions, which enjoined them to strike only those 
who were reallv dangerous. 

•r o 

“ In the Deux-Sevres, the Gironde, the Garonne, and the 
Aude their only fault was excessive indulgence. May they 
never have cause to repent having let slip an opportunity— 
perhaps the only one—of disorganising anarchy ! In these 
departments there have been condemned only a few indi¬ 
viduals who had been for some time pointed at by public 
opinion as inveterate disturbers of the peace. In the Lot- 
et-Garonne, the Pyrenees-Orientales, and the Herauli, 
where the insurgents, by commencing hostilities, rendered 
necessary numerous arrests, the ramifications of the secret 
societies were made known. The number of members 
known exceeds 30,000 in each of the two departments, and 
60,000 in the third, organised by decuries and centuries, 
and ready to rise at the first, signal. In striking only at the 
known chiefs the number of condemnalions would have 


172 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

been enormous. It was, therefore, considered advisable to 
prosecute only those who had great influence, and those 
whose antecedents, known from the annals of the assize 
courts and those of correctional police, proved that they 
were constantly in revolt against the authorities. 

u I was not able, in my mission, to examine the briefs of 
each of the political prisoners—briefs which would have 
required several months of study in each department. 
Therefore, in order to avoid the double inconvenience of 
disquieting the population by an inconsiderate clemency, 
and wounding the feelings of the authorities, who had done 
their work zealously and conscientiously, I called together 
the Mixed Commissions, and, after having informed them 
of your intentions, I asked them to point out to me such of 
the political prisoners as seemed to them most worthy of 
your clemency. Then, taking their work for a base, with 
the briefs in hand, I was able to commute a certain number 
of sentences, and grant a certain number of pardons. 
Furnished with information either by the Gendarmery, the 
municipality, or the clergy, each of which went to work 
with the greatest goodwill, I was enabled to enlarge the 
sphere of action as much as possible. We took into account 
the petitions for pardon and written proofs of repentance ; 
but, nevertheless, out of nearly four thousand condemna¬ 
tions I was only able to pronounce, in your name, one 
hundred commutations and two hundred free pardons. 

“ The individual pardons which you have already granted, 
my lord, have produced in general a bad impression on the 
country ; the real chiefs of anarchy have alone proflted by 
them, because they alone were able to get themselves 
recommended. This has given rise to a scandal which you 


STATE OF PUBLIC SPIRIT, 


173 


wished above all to avoid ; the most influential escape 
punishment, whilst their blind tools expiate in exile the 
crimes of those who are really guilty. It is to be desired 
that, for the future, your clemency should only be exercised 
on the initiative of the local administration. It alone can 
properly judge of the wisdom of a liberation or the reality 
of a repentance, and at the same time it will not draw down 
upon itself the hate of numerous families by forming part 
of an exceptional tribunal ; it will, on the contrary, calm 
them by becoming the intermediary of clemency. (1) 

“ [Pardons are often granted in Paris on the demand of 
old parties, for whom it is a means of preserving an influ¬ 
ence which they are rapidly losing. It is desirable that this 
influence should be altogether in the hands of your Adminis¬ 
tration. If this desire were welcomed, the following course 
might be adopted :—Any political offender who believed 
himself entitled to the clemency of the Government would 
personally make a demand for pardon, promising submis¬ 
sion ; this demand, together with the motives assigned by 
the chief of the authority under which he is placed, will be 
transmitted to the prefect of the department in which he 
has been condemned. Every three months each prefect 
would transmit to the Minister of Justice the demands 
which merited being taken into consideration. 

“To resume, my lord, public spirit is excellent. The 
Mixed Commissions have scrupulously performed their 
duties. Among the services that you have rendered to 
society, my lord, the one which is most appreciated is that 

(1) The rest of the report, between brackets, was erased in the 
minute. The document bears, in the handwriting of the Emperor, the 
title, “ Report of Col. Espinasse.” 





174 THE SECEET DOCUMENTS OP THE SECOND EMPIEE. 

of having rid it of a part of the elements which threatened 
to dissolve it. Opinion is hostile to all immediate amnesty, 
which is regarded as a snare held out by the vanquished 
parties. 

“ The condemnations ought for the present to be main¬ 
tained ; pardons should only be granted partially, and 
without exposure, and on the advice of the local autho¬ 
rities.] 

“ I have the honour to be, my Lord, 

“ Your faithful subject, 

“ Colonel Commissary Extraordinary, 

“ Espinasse.” 




PIERRE BONAPARTE. 


175 


xxir. 

PIERRE BONAPARTE AND NAPOLEON. 

Pierre Bonaparte wishes to legitimise his children—His difficulties as 
a member of the Imperial Family—Desires to sell his estate in 
Corsica—Napoleon refuses to consent to his marriage — A 
rejoinder—The trial at Tours. 

(19.) 

Letters from Pierre Bonaparte to Napoleon, 

(O 

“ Sire,—I cannot bow before the decision of your Majesty, 
but your Majesty must permit me to inform you that my 
children will cease to be illegitimate from the moment that I 
legalise them. It was not my immediate intention to marry 
their mother, but as there is no other mode of legitimising 
them, I purpose at once to adopt it. I therefore ask of 
your Majesty the authorisation rendered necessary by the 
statute of the 21st June, 1853 ; and I make a fresh appeal 
to your goodness and to your sense of justice. 

“ Allow me to give expression to a reflection which is 
very painful to me. The fact is that the exceptional 
situation imposed upon the members of the Imperial Family 
enforces upon me a sort of interdiction from all civil and 
political rights. If a desire is expressed to name me deputy, 
your Majesty is opposed to such a step. I am condemned 
to submit to a kind of inability, of forced non-participation 


176 TEE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

in the service of the country and of your Majesty. The 
realisation of the most legitimate desires, of duties the most 
sacred, appears to encounter obstacles, and all this, certainly, 
without sufficient compensation. 

“ To put these questions is to be convinced that they 
will be taken into consideration, if the opinion I have 
always had of your Majesty’s greatness of soul does not 
deceive me. 

“ I beg your Majesty again to accept the homage of my 
profound respect and of my inviolable attachment. 

“ I am your Majesty’s very devoted cousin, 

“ Pierre Napoleon Bonaparte. 

“ Paris, March 19, 1867.” 


(«•) 

“ Sire,—My reply to your Majesty’s letter was dictated 
by a sentiment from which I cannot shrink. Since then the 
situation which I have endeavoured to sketch has become 
still more pronounced by a circumstance which compels me 
definitely to renounce Corsica. The Minister of the Interior, 
solicited by Monsieur Benedetti, has appointed a relation of 
the latter to the sub-prefecture of Calvi, in the arrondisse- 
ment of my place of residence. The favourable reception 
given by your Majesty to my request in favour of Doctor 
Bartoli has thus been useless. 

“Deprived of all credit, of all participation in affairs, of 
every opportunity of ameliorating my condition, I trust your 
Majesty will come to my assistance. If you would, Sire, 
purchase for me my property in Corsica, I should then be 
able to complete my modest establishment in the Ardennes. 



NAPOLEON TO M. PIERRE BONAPARTE, 177 

The estate in Corsica is very well situated for the establish¬ 
ment of a model farm, a barrack for the Gendarmery, or any 
other administrative institution. I shall be obliged to put 
it up for sale, and I do not expect to realise much upon it, 
unless your Majesty adopts my proposition. It would be a 
favour which I should never forget. 

“ Your Majesty’s devoted cousin, 

“ Pierre Napoleon Bonaparte. 

“ Paris, March 25, 1867.” 


(38.) 

Letter from Napoleon to M. Pierre Bonaparte. 

[A rough draft of the subjoined letter was found in the 
handwriting of Monsieur Conti.] 

“ I cannot, no matter what it costs me, receive your new 
demands favourably. The considerations which oppose 
themselves to the legitimacy of your children are equally an 
obstacle to the union you wish to contract. When one has 
the honour of bearing a name like yours, respect ought to 
be paid to the proprieties. The inconvenience which such 
respect may impose is only, after all, the compensation of 
advantages everywhere envied, and which, I presume, you 
have no wish to renounce. 

“ I regret, at the same time, not to be able to purchase 
the property which you possess in Corsica, and which you 
wish to dispose of. Such a property could not be of any (1) 


(1) A word illegible. 




178 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF TIIE SECOND EMPIRE. 

use, and would be a burden upon me. My budget is already 
too heavily charged to enable me to make such sacrifices.” 


( 4 -) 

“ Sire,—I cannot allow your letter of yesterday to remain 
without a reply. I firmly believe that there would be much 
more impropriety in failing in the sacred duty of legitimising 
my children, than in contracting marriage with their mother 
—of modest birth, but irreproachable conduct. If it is of 
a mesalliance your Majesty speaks, it would be less compro¬ 
mising—especially considering the respective positions— 
than other mesalliances contracted in the family. 

“ I do not well understand what are the advantages of 
which your Majesty speaks, as being everywhere envied. 
If you refer to titles, which are not even due to me under 
the Empire, I attach no importance to them, and I voted 
in favour of their suppression when I had the honour to sit 
in the National Constituent Assembly. If it is my name 
you refer to, I owe it only to my birth—to my father— 
who certainly has not given me the example of his honour¬ 
ing the sentiments which inspire me. If you refer to the 
allowance which your Majesty doles out to me, it represents 
but a very small portion of the property of which the 
Bourbons defrauded us by an act of iniquitous spoliation —to 
use the very expression of your Majesty, found in an official 
document which I have now in my hands. 

“But to resume, Sire, I shall not, at no matter what 
sacrifice, fail to observe my paternal duties, and, if it should 
be necessary, I shall know—I who, during the four years I 



PIERRE BONAPARTE. 


179 


Sat in the National Assembly, never gave a vote, a single 
vote, against the liberty of others—how to retake the road 
to exile, and to ask more justice from a free people.—I am 
not the less, Sire, with respect, 

“ Your Majesty’s very humble and very obedient servant, 

“ Pierre Napoleon Bonaparte. 

“ Paris, April 25, 1867,” 


(5.) 

tc Sire, 

“X have thought it necessary to make the Archbishop of 
Paris acquainted with my situation ; and this worthy prelate 
desires to speak with your Majesty. X pray you, therefore, 
to have the goodness to listen to him, and to accept the 
homage of my respectful attachment. 

“ Pierre Napoleon Bonaparte. 

“ Paris, April 25, 1867.” 


( 20 .) 

[The three letters which follow have reference to the 
trial at Tours. The letter of the witness Natal, whose 
affirmation before the High Court will be well remembered, 
throws a light on this affair.] 

“ Monsieur le Ministre, 

“The Emperor has charged me to transmit to your 
Excellency the enclosed letter, which has been addressed to 
me by Prince I > ierre Bonaparte. Your Excellency will see 
from the contents of this letter that the Prince desires to 
obtain from the Court of Rome an attestation refuting a 

x 2 




180 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

calumnious allegation contained in the Marseillaise , relative 
lo the motives of the measure taken by the Roman 
Government in 1836 against himself and his brother, and 
which the Prince wishes to produce before a Court of 
Justice. His demands appears to be of such a nature as 
not to be refused by the Court of Rome. 

“ The Emperor therefore begs your Excellency to be so 
good as to write to the French Ambassador at Rome, in 
order that he may take the necessary measures to obtain 
this document. 


“ Believe me, &c., 


11 




NOVEL BY THE EMPEROR. 


181 


XXIII. 

THE EMPEROR’S NOVEL. 

(55.) 

Plot of a Novel by the Emperor. 

“ M. Benoit, au honest grocer, residing in the Rue de la 
Lune, left, in 1847, for America. After having travelled 
in the countries extending from Hudson’s Bay to the 
Mississippi, he returned to France in April, 1868, having 
been nearly nineteen years out of the country. He had been 
only vaguely informed as to the events which had taken 
place in France since 1848. Some French refugees had 
told him that, if he visited France, he would find it crushed 
under a system of despotism, with poverty abounding 
everywhere; a France, in fact, very different from that 
which .he left flourishing under the reign of Louis Phillippe. 
Our friend Benoit arrives at Brest in a trans-Atlantic steamer, 
full of uncertainties, regrets, and apprehensions. ‘ What 
are those black-looking vessels, so ugly when compared 
with the beautiful sailing vessels that I have left behind 
me ? 5 he asks of the first sailor he meets. ‘ Why,’ replies 
the sailor, ‘ they are iron-clad men-of-war, the Emperor’s 
invention ; covered with iron, they are impregnable ; and 
this transformation has destroyed, to a certain extent, the 
supremacy of the English fleet on the seas.’ ‘That may 


182 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


be possible ; but I am sorry for our old ships, with their 
poetical masts aud sails.’O) He sees the crowd rushing 
towards the Court-house to record their votes. Astonish¬ 
ment at witnessing the existence of universal suffrage ; 
astonishment at the railways which run throughout the 
whole of the country, and at the telegraph. Arrived in 
Paris; embellishments. The octroi (city dues) carried to 
the fortifications. He wishes to make some purchases, 
which are cheaper, in consequence of the Treaty of 
Commerce ; some half-price, &c. He fancies that there are 
a number of writers in prison. Error. No disturbances; 
no political prisoners; no exiles. No more preventive 
detentions; acceleration of trial ; branding suppressed ; 
civil death suppressed; Society for Assistance to the Aged ; 
asylums at Vincennes; coalitions ; Police de roulagc sup¬ 
pressed ; military service shortened, pay increased, medal 
instituted, pension augmented, reserve increasing the regular 
force ; funds for infirm priests ; arrest for debt; brokers ; 
a tradesman who sent his assistant to buy or sell goods was 
arrested ; Councils-General. 


(1) On the margin, opposite the latter phrase, are written these 
words : “ Passports suppressed.” 






M. SANDON. 


183 


XX LY. 


THE SANDON AFFAIR. 

Persigny wishes to stifle the affair—M. Sandon arrested seventeen 
times; confined in a lunatic asylum for twenty months. 

[The indignation caused by the repeated confinements 
of M. Sandon in a lunatic asylum is still fresh in the 
memory of the public. Asylums of this description were, 
in fact, transformed into so many Bastilles. Here is some 
Cmsar-admiring correspondence touching this particular 
instance.] 

Letter from Monsieur de Persigny to M. Conti. 

“ My dear Conti,—Here is a grave affair which it is 
necessary to stifle at once. The conduct of M. Billault is 
unprecedented. The person who has been victimised to 
such a point is about to become the tool of parties. A fearful 
scandal might ensue. It appears that, with 20,000 or 
30,000 francs, which Dr. Conneau (the Emperor’s physi¬ 
cian) undertakes to provide from the public funds, every¬ 
thing could be arranged. Besides, there has evidently been 
great injustice, and it is necessary to repair it. 

“A thousand compliments. 

“ Persigny. 

u Paris, March 29, 1866.” 


184 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


(ii.) 


Letter from Monsieur Sandon. 


“ Monsieur,—Doctor Conneau yesterday communicated 
to me the reply of the Emperor* Here are the facts :— 

“1. A Minister responsible to the Emperor alone has 
caused me to be arrested seventeen times, and has confined 
me in the lunatic asylum of Chareuton for the period of 
twenty months. 

“ 2. An irresponsible Senator has audaciously and illegally 
defamed my character, and caused the death of my mother. 

“ 3. An irresponsible Minister of the Interior continues to 
write defamatory communications concerning me to the 
journals. 

“ The Emperor appears to have replied to my petition 
(to Dr. Conneau) that there were judges—that I could 
plead my cause. This is an error. In absolving each 
individual Minister from his responsibility, the Emperor 
has assumed the whole responsibility himself. It is he who 
owes me justice. He Infs deprived me of my mother, my 
fortune, my honour ; there remains but my life ; and, under 
such conditions, I can even make that sacrifice, too. The 
Emperor owes me justice ; he ought to know that when 
illegality is proved to have been exercised, the victim 
expects to claim his rights. I desire and hope to be heard. 
A man is not driven to such extremes, to such a desperate 
state, in such a fashion as this. 

“ I wish to see you , and believe me your very humble and 
respectful servant, 


“Leon Sandon, Advocate.” 


THE COUP D’ETAT. 


185 


XXV. 

2nd DECEMBER, 1851. 

Prudence of MM. Rouher and Fould—Proscriptions of December, 
1851—Total number arrested, brought to trial, and punished in 
December, 1851. 


(53.) 

[The following letter was carefully preserved by M. 
Conti, in a private portfolio of the Emperor, bearing the 
inscription : “ VEmpereur.” It shows that two of the most 
zealous servants of the Imperial regime embarked with 
exceeding prudence in the support of the Empire of the 
2nd December, 1851 ; they preferred to await the success 
of the coup d’etatf 

To the Director of the National Printing Office. 

“ M. le Directeur, 

“I learn indirectly that certain printed documents 
bearing my signature have been forwarded to you for the 
purpose of being sent to the provinces. Iam entirely foreign 
to the transaction, and beg you, in consequence, to cancel 
my signature. 

“ Your devoted, 


“ E. Rouher.” 


186 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

“ I make the same declaration and the same demand. 

“A. Fould.” 

[On the left side of the letter, the following note, written 
in ink:—“ Received the 2nd Dec., 1851, at six o'clock in the 
evening , the Secretary of the Direction' ’ (signature illegible); 
a id at the bottom, the stamp of the National Printing 
Office, in black : “ Imprimerie Nationale, Direction .” The 
envelope containing this letter bears the following words : 
“ 2nd December , 1851. Letter from M. EouherandM. FouldP 
On the right-hand side is written, in pencil, the following 
inexplicable word: “ Complot .”] 


Proscriptions of December, 1851. 

Statement Concerning the Individuals who, after December, 
1851, were Subjected to Penal Measures. 

“The Emperor wished to have an exact statement of the 
individuals who, after the events of December, had been 
subjected to criminal proceedings of one kind or another. 
This investigation, appertaining, as had hitherto been the 
case, to the Ministry of General Police, was, in the month 
of March, 1852, confided to three Ministers—those of 
Justice, War, and Peace, according to the three categories to 
which the condemned prisoners belonged. It is in conse¬ 
quence of the difficulty which I have experienced (by 
reasons of this division) in obtaining information foreign to 
my Ministry, that I have been prevented handing in to your 
Majesty an immediate report:— 



PROSCRIPTIONS OF DECEMBER, 1851 . 


187 


1st. Total number of people arrested or brought to trial in France on the 
occasion of the insurrection of December, 1851 . 26,642 

! Persons let at liberty.6,501 \ 

Persons submitted to simple sur- > Total 11,609 
veillance .5,108 ) 


3rd. Total number of persons condemned after the insurrection of 

December, 1851 . 15,033 


4th. Deduct the persons con¬ 
demned by the Councils 
of War and the Tribunals 
for offences against the 
law, such as assassins, in¬ 
cendiaries, thieves, &c.... 


Correctional Police 
Councils of War ... 
Houses of Correction 


... 639 ) 
... 247 [ 
... 29 ) 


915 


Exiled 

Cayenne. Algeria. or Interned. 

Expelled. 

5th. Total number, divided' 
into categories, of persons 
condemned by Mixed Com. , 

missions after the insur- < — y,oou *" 1,040 

rection of the 2nd Decem¬ 


ber 


• • • • • 


-J 


• • • ••• ••• 


••• ••• ••• 


61 ... 3,773 
5 ... 1,715 


6th. Total number, in cate¬ 
gories, of persons par¬ 
doned. 

7th. Number of persons tried 
by default ... 

„ Died ... 

8th. Actual number,by cate-') 
gories, to the 27th of 
January, of persons still 
undergoing, in virtue of f 173 ... 4,042 
the sentences of the M 
Commissions, the sub¬ 
joined penalties .J 


931 


2,804 ... 14,IIS 


1,480 ... 6,245 

— ... 1,700 
216 


M( ••• • • 


614 ... 1,304 ... 6,153 


To this total of 6,153 persons still subjected to sentences of one 
sort or another must be added 5,450 persons under the surveillance 
of the police, either in consequence of the decision of the Mixed Com¬ 
missions, or as a guarantee to the Government after a commutation of 
their sentences. The total number of persons undergoing at the present 
time the sentences applied by the Mixed Commissions, after the events 
of the 2nd December, is thus 6,153; this number will in a few days 









188 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


be reduced considerably, in consequence of the submissions which are 
arriving en masse every day, either to the Emperor, the Ministry 
of Justice, the Ministry of War, or to the Ministry of General 
Police. I should have wished to have furnished to your Majesty 
the exact number of submissions up to the present day ; I have 
endeavoured in vain to do so, not being instructed to concentrate 
the general service. 2,343 demands for pardon have been received 
at the Ministry of General Police alone. 

“ The Minister, Secretary of State in the Department of 
G-eneral Police. 


“ (Signed) 


De Maupas.” 



ELECTION OF NAPOLEON AS PRESIDENT. 


189 


XXVI. 

LOUIS NAPOLEON, PRESIDENT OF THE 

REPUBLIC. 

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, President of the 

Republic. 

“ Three hundred thousand suffrages, in recalling from 
exile our citizen, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, have traced 
the line he ought to follow, and designated the position he 
may assume amongst us. The whole of France, associating 
itself with the spontaneous vote of five departments, has 
saluted his entrance in the National Assembly as a presage 
of the approaching termination of the provisional state of 
things which weighs upon us. Pressed by men ill at ease 
at the greatness of his position, Louis Napoleon has 
accepted from the Tribune a candidature offered to him from 
every part by real patriots, men of order, of progress, and 
of liberty ; his programme has been welcomed by the whole 
population of France. 

“ The moment has arrived, citizens, to manifest our sym¬ 
pathies for the man who will shortly be the elect of the 
nation ; let us be prepared and united. In the face of the 
misfortunes which weigh upon our country, and of those 
which may still threaten it, let us appeal to our consciences 
and see whether we have a more glorious name—a more 


190 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

sympathetic name—than that of Napoleon; if we have a man 
who better than the nephew of the great Emperor, the 
grandson of the good Josephine, the writer who occupied 
himself so much with the interests of the people, (1) could 
present himself as a symboi of union , of order , of clemency , 
and of fraternity ! Brought up in the school of adversity, 
matured by exile, the Prince is nothing more than a citizen 
animated with the most ardent feelings of patriotism. A 
stranger to all political intrigue—to the civil dissensions 
which afflict his heart—his mission will be to repair, and 
not to avenge ; he will have no other ambition than that of 
contributing to the well-being of all, in directing France 
by wise and liberal paths, under the ajgis of the flag of 
national independence and public liberty. His uncle desired 
the happiness of France by glory. Prince Louis desires 
the glory of France by happiness. Vive la Republique! 

“ In the name of a committee of electors for the Depart¬ 
ment of the Seine. 

“ Besuchet. 

“ Formerly officer of the Imperial Army.” 

[On the back are written these words.] 

“ Approved by the Prince ! 40,000 copies were dis¬ 

tributed. On this occasion it was that the Emperor said 
to me, in his apartments at the Hotel du Rliiu :—‘ It is 
very well written, but it will be expensive to print and 

(1) The writings of Louis Napoleon breathe the most noble 
sentiments in favour of the working classes ; he treated successively 
the various questions connected with social organisation. We quote, 
amongst other remarkable works, the “ Extinction of Pauperism 
published at Ham during his captivity in 1844. His “Manual of 
Artillery ” gained him the esteem of all practised soldiers. 






ELECTION OF NAPOLEON AS PRESIDENT. 


191 


distribute ; and I have no money.’ ‘ Prince,’ I replied, ‘ I 
do not wish you to incur any expense; I shall regulate all 
that, and, with God’s help, we shall succeed.’ He at once 
took my hand in token of his gratitude.” 



192 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE, 


XXVII. 

PRUSSIAN AFFAIRS. 

Report of Lieutenant-Colonel de Stoffel—M. de Bismark proposes an 
Interview between King William and Napoleon — Prussian 
opinion and practices. 

[The following letter shows us M. de Bismark proposing 
(November, 1868) an interview between King William and 
Napoleon, in order to smooth the difficulties between France 
and Prussia. Lieutenant-Colonel de Stoffel, military attache 
to the Embassy at Berlin, did not suspect, any more than 
M. Benedetti, that these evidences of a desire for peace 
were coincident with M. de Moltke’s studies on the north¬ 
eastern frontier.] 

Lieutenant-Colonel de Stoffel to Pietri. 

“Berlin, 20 Nov., 1868. 

“ My dear Pietri,—This letter will take a curious route 
before it reaches you, for I shall give it to the English 
courier. It will, therefore, have the honour of passing 
through Brussels and London, and will be sent to you by 
our Minister of Foreign Affairs. It is absolutely necessary 
that you should let me know, by a word sent by post, 
whether you received a package last Thursday, the 19th, in 
the evening. It was a work for the Emperor, and another 


DE STOFFEL TO PIETKT. 


193 


for the Minister, both enclosed in the same parcel, and 
sealed ■with five seals, which I had entrusted to M. 
Bleichrader, a banker at Berlin, who was going to Paris. 
Nothing is rarer in this life than to meet people who know 
how to put themselves in the place of others. Now, put. 
yourself in mine for a moment, and you may imagine how 
uneasy I am as to the fate of my parcels each time I send 
them otherwise than by the couriers of the Embassy. If 
you would only write a few words, as, for example : ‘ I am 
quite well, with the exception of a whitlow on the middle 
finger, and I received your letter on Thursday last,’ that 
would not disturb you in your grave occupations, nor in the 
Boulangere, which you dance so well, and at least I should 
feel more at ease. 

“ Did my work on the ‘ Note* answer the purpose ? 

“ I told you in my last letter that I had some curious 

details to give you. Here they are. M. B., of whom I 

have spoken above, is a banker of some importance in 

Berlin, an agent of Rothschild’s, and Bismark’s man of 

business. Of low origin, he has succeeded, by perseverance 

and practical good sense, in attaining a good position. He 

is the only Jew whom Bism. receives familiarly, and at 

whose house he consents to dine. He employs him as a 

hunter up of information, gives him certain confidential 

commissions, &c., &c. One thing to be remarked in the 

history of the Prussian Governments which have succeeded 

each other for the last hundred years is that they ha\* 

nearly always employed a Jew (even in the time of Sieve.") 

as an agent more or less occult. He of whom I speak, 

without being exactly an intriguer, aspires to play the part 

and take the place of his predecessors, among whom the Jew 

o 


194 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 


Ephraim takes the first rank. He is an amiable and bene¬ 
volent man, with whom I am on very good terms. Now, 
M. B., after having been a week at Varzin, at the residence 
of M. Bismark, came to see me recently, and if 1 
relate the details of our interview, it is because there is 
every reason to believe that he was commissioned to sound 
my opinions. He took care, as a preamble, to request 
absolute secrecy on my part as to our conversation, and 
then he related at full length his recent conversations with 
Bism., and the humour in which he found him. ‘ The 
Minister,’ said M. B., ‘ desires peace more ardently than 
ever, and he will do all that he can to preserve it. He is 
all the more sincere in expressing himself thus, in that he 
himself explains why the North cannot and ought not to 
desire the immediate annexation of the Southern States; 
that the unity of Germany will naturally come about of its 
own accord sooner or later, and that his mission is not 
to hasten the moment, but to consolidate the work of 1866,’ 
&c., &c. On all sides it is asked if there is no means of re¬ 
establishing confidence between France and Prussia—no 
means of calming the public mind in Europe, and putting 
an end to this afflicting stagnation in business. An inter¬ 
view of the Emperor with King William would be consi¬ 
dered by many people as the most efficacious means of 
attaining these results. It was spoken of at Varzin, and the 
persons who surround Bism. seek to know his ideas on the 
possibility of such an interview. His intimate friend told 
me that he would be delighted if it could take place ; but he 
does not disguise the fact that, in order to bring the 
Emperor to consent to it, it would be necessary that he 
(Bism.) and the King should engage themselves to give 


PROPOSITION FOR AN INTERVIEW. 


195 


guarantees plainly expressed {in writing , the banker told me) 
that they would undertake nothing in view of a union with 
the South.’ In point of fact, M. B. asked me what I thought 
of the inclination of the Emperor—whether he would refuse 
or accept an interview with such guarantees. 

“ I spare you, my dear Pietri, other details of my con¬ 
versation with the said banker, and I am going to tell you 
what I think of it. It appears to me incontestable that the 
idea of an interview is now being worked out. I consider 
it as the more certain as two Prussian journals have brought 
it forward lately, and that this same M. B., after having 
sworn to me that the preceding conversation was between 
ourselves, had, nevertheless, a precisely similar one with 
the Charge d’Affaires of France (in the absence of M. 
Benedetti); secondly, I do not consider it so certain that 
Bism. told the banker to sound me in order to know my 
opinions. Nevertheless, it appears probable ; but it might 
also be possible that M. B., desirous of playing a part, was 
not charged with any mission to me, but simply wished, for 
his own guidance, to get some information. However this 
may be, the fact of a desire for an interview remains the 
same. 

“ It is needless to describe to you my demeanour during 
the conversation just mentioned; for as I have already told 
you, I do not go beyond my role and my functions. I leave 
to such vain fools as Viperin the care of meddling with 
what does not concern them, and wishing to transform 
themselves from military attaches into ambassadors. I there¬ 
fore confined myself to evasive replies, and said that I was 
totally ignorant as to the Emperor’s intentions. 

“ I should mention a circumstance which induces me to 

o 2 


196 THE SECRET DOCUMENTS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. 

believe that Bism. really believes in the possibility ot an 
interview, and that is that M. Bl. told me he was going 
to Paris at the end of December, and asked me for a 
letter [of introduction] to you. He gave me to understand 
that he intended soliciting an interview with the Emperoi. 
You see, then, that it is a question of one of two things 
either Bism. desires to feel his ground, even in the interior 
of the Tuileries, before undertaking anything officially, or 
the Jew is led away by his passion for playing a political 
part. 

“ To conclude, I tell you all this to forewarn‘you, in case 
you should learn that efforts are being made to solicit of 
the Emperor an interview with the King. Perhaps you 
will also see in these facts a proof of the desire of Bism., 
whether sincere or not, to preserve peace and avoid all 
pretext for a conflict. 

“ The state of public opinion in Prussia is always the 
same : defiance or general animosity against France. Con 
sider that as certain. Besides, you can easily understand 
the causes :— 

“ First incontestable fact .—Prussia aspires to unite all 
Germany. (Let us set aside the manner, which is a matter 
of indifference.) 

“ Second incontestable fact .—What obstacle does Prussia 
see to the realisation of this desire? France, and France 
only. 

Natural consequence .—We are suspected by the whole 
Prussian nation : certain parties detest us, all mistrust us, 
and the least passionate consider us at least troublesome, 
and have for us the feeling which one man has for another 
who is constantly in his way. From that springs the general 


FRANCE AND PRUSSIA. 


197 


state of opinion which I sum up in these words - animosity, 
or distrust, or irritation against France. 

“ Such are the fatal consequences of the events of ’66. 
Nothing will be done whilst the general situation remains 
as it is, and the state of things which I describe will only go 
from bad to worse. 

“ But this is quite enough for the present, my dear friend. 
You have seen all sorts of things since you wrote to me : 
the revolution in Spain, the affair of Baudin, and what not. 
Write to me—it will afford me great pleasure. 

“ De Stoffel. 

“ P.S.—Kind regards to yourself and Oppermann.” 


Ranken and Co., Printers, Drury House, St. Mary-le-Strand, London. 




































































































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